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military culture of Rome was less important. 9 In the medieval period peace was intrinsically linked to Christianity. 10 St Augustine was the central authority on ideas of peace as expressed through his Civitas Dei , and his notion of peace strongly influenced medieval political thought and the image of the peacemaking king. 11 Christ was
Christian and free-born Englishman as mapped onto each other, producing compatible or even identical demands on the individual’s conscience. The relationship between the Levellers’ religious and political thought has been much discussed and much disputed. Freedom of conscience in matters of religion was one of the Levellers’ earliest and most consistent demands; it was central to the Leveller movement. Indeed, Davis and Russell-Jones have both argued that freedom of conscience was the Levellers’ primary concern, and that political and legal accountability were added to
stretching back to the contributions made by Renaissance humanism to early modern political thought.23 The distinction between free states and monarchies was principally an argument about freedom, which contrasted with the contention that living in fear of prosecution for speech was compatible with political liberty, and an argument that the people were indeed capable of governing themselves – thus implying that the great body of the people would need free speech to call its agents to account.24 Thus, an appreciation of the distinction writers drew between free states and
’ (2004: 36) (renounces the differences between real flesh and blood victims and imaginary victims). On the other hand, any analysis of La pelota vasca must also take into account the history of filmmaking in the Basque Country, wherein the union of political thought and action with film theory and practice propagated a forceful faith in documentary as an instrument of record La pelota vasca: la piel contra la piedra 199 and propaganda that contributed to a cultural offensive against the conventions of the centralised film industry during and after the dictatorship
of public and private discourse was made more manifest by the publication of the substance of these discussions in 1704 in Letters to Serena, a work closely associated with the Hanoverian interest, which established the connections between such metaphysical speculation and more mainstream political thought. Letters to Serena (1704) is an intriguing work. Although its first form was in a private disputation, the published text displayed a range of erudition and learning. Especially in the first three letters on the history of prejudice, idolatry and doctrine, Toland
temporal kings.124 However, her political thinking –and her claim of a licence to preach –was inherited from the very large number of women writers who had gone before her and for whom the civil wars, but, more significantly, the Republic, represented an authorising moment in English history. Therefore, when Patricia Crawford once argued that the impact of the civil wars and Interregnum ‘was remarkable’, she was absolutely correct. However, this chapter offers an addition to her analysis, finding that the most far-reaching consequences for gender and political thought
multitude as it occurs in Negri’s political thought. We can then examine how this contributes to the more recent account of Hardt and Negri’s conceptualisation of the ‘two wars of liberal modernity’ through which, as they argue, the antagonistic relationship between the multitude and liberal regimes has developed. Then, in the final section we can address the problem of how this antagonism has been complicated by the emergence of Terror as a resistance to liberal regimes, and the question of whether Hardt and Negri are able to usefully distinguish their account of the
influence, Bailey has vanished from the historiography of political thought.10 But for all of these plaudits and achievements the neglect of Bailey would really be just a failure of inventory were it not for the fact that his treatment of toleration possessed certain distinctive features. A comprehensive account of Bailey’s self-confessedly multifaceted defence of free speech would exceed the space of a single essay.11 I want, accordingly, to home in on four particularly interesting aspects of his thought: his notions of social intolerance; of duty in matters of belief
claims – so she reads – that it is the witnesses’ enthusiasm that determines the historical significance of action and events. Here, the judgment of the spectator, revealed in the enthusiasm that manifests itself in their experience of their judgment, becomes the basis for Kant’s political thought, at least as Arendt understands it. 3 The instantiation of the event is as the spectator perceives it. The
one Danish. 1 Outside the bible and the prayer book it surely ranks as the bestseller of the century. Its readership was many times that of Hobbes or Harrington, and it made of Milton a mere foil. It did more than any of these to frame the meaning of the Civil War for contemporaries. The Eikon Basilike has attracted scholarly attention, but chiefly from literary scholars. 2 Historians of political thought have had virtually nothing to say about the text, which conforms to none of the early modern genres familiar to them. 3 The present essay is an effort to