Lawyers had been producing reports of trials and appellate proceedings in order to understand the law and practices of the Westminster courts since the Middle Ages, and printed reports had appeared in the late fifteenth century. This book considers trials in the regular English criminal courts in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It also considers the contribution of criminal lawyers in developing the modern rules of evidence. The book explores the influence of scientific and pseudoscientific knowledge on Victorian insanity trials and trials for homosexual offences, respectively. The British Trials Collection contains the only readily accessible and near-verbatim accounts of civil trials from the 1760s, 1770s, and 1780s, decades crucial to understanding how the rules of evidence developed. It might be thought that Defence of the Realm Acts (DORA) or its regulations would have introduced trials in camera. The book presents a comparative critique of war crimes trials before the International Military Tribunals at Nuremberg and Tokyo and the International Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. The first spy trial by court martial after the legal change in 1915 was that of Robert Rosenthal, who was German. The book also considers the principal features of the first war crimes trial of the twenty-first century in terms of personnel and procedures, the alleged crimes, and issues of legality and legitimacy. It also speculates on the narratives or non-narratives of the trial and how these may impact on the professed aims and objectives of the litigation.
-Cold War era, in response to violent wars in the Balkans and Rwanda, the UN Security Council established two ad hoc Tribunals; the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY); and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which in turn paved the way for the subsequent establishment of the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC). As a challenge to long evolved
The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.
its interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. A challenging context to which France contributed First, it is important to investigate the context at the time and, more specifically, the challenges faced by humanitarian intervention and French troops in the field. The norm contestation of humanitarian intervention and the role played by France: the Rwandan genocide As mentioned in Chapter 1 , for a principle to become an international norm, it needs to be internalised by the
regional context. Williams sees key events, notably Idi Amin’s oppression and the Rwandan Genocide, which created local resonance with the principles and aims of R2P, and the inclusion of Article 4(h) in the AU Constitutive Act and the African endorsement of the 2005 UN World Summit Outcome Document demonstrate significant African regional support for R2P. 5 In this sense, Africa went through a process of localization in adopting Article 4(h) as it was drawn from the international but adapted to the regional needs. I also argue that the impact of Amin’s oppression and
Anstett & Jean-Marc Dreyfus Africa has suffered the Rwandan genocide, which claimed 800,000 victims over the course of just three months in 1994,8 and the sporadic yet recurring violence in Sudan since 1982, which has claimed over 2 million victims in total, many of them in Darfur,9 while specialists in this field find it difficult even to agree on what to call the constantly mutating cycle of violence which has claimed 4 million victims since 1994 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire), and which has become far more than a simple aftershock from the
the launch of Telecel in Zaire, the country had only a monopoly fixed-line incumbent telephone company. There were only twenty-four thousand phone lines for a country of thirty million people. Calls often failed to go through, and when they did the quality was very bad. Most of the company's infrastructure had not been updated since the 1960s and people often stole and sold parts of the copper network. The brains behind the idea for the new mobile network was Miko Rwayitare, a Rwandan who had completed his education in Zaire. He teamed up with
104 Development and character of international criminal law The foundations of international criminal law were laid after the Second World War in the indictments of leaders and soldiers from Nazi Germany, soldiers from Japan, and the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. After 1990 the conflicts in Yugoslavia and Rwanda led to the establishment of the Yugoslavia Tribunal and the
utilization of the work of forensic pathologists by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 1995, or even the large-scale opening – only beginning in 2000 – of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War. In Rwanda the victims of the genocide committed against the Tutsis were exhumed and reburied, sometimes repeatedly, by the tens of thousands between 1994 and today. This case of incomparable scale, which is sometimes accompanied by the exhibition of certain human remains or of entire bodies in memorials like those of Murambi or Ntarama, contrasts
: ‘international military intervention in Somalia and Bosnia was primarily aimed at protecting aid givers, rather than the populace in the area’. His main target of criticism is the international community’s failure to intervene to prevent or halt genocide in Rwanda in 1994. The mistake of the ‘humanitarian international’, he argues, was ‘to introduce and elevate the principle of neutrality’ (1997: 192), by