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David Forrest
Sue Vice

Conclusion The death of Barry Hines was announced on 20 March 2016, and the tributes in print and on social media were heartfelt and wide-­ ranging. Hines’s work was lauded by well-­known personalities such as the actor Kathy Burke, who likened him to ‘JK’ (Rowling), while the Barnsley-­born novelist Joanne Harris noted how she ‘hated and loved him at the same time for writing the world I saw every day, and for giving me hope to escape it’, and the footballer-­turned-­ actor Vinnie Jones referred to A Kestrel for a Knave as ‘the book that changed his life’.1

in Barry Hines
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Syrian refugees at the borders of Europe and the struggle to choose where to live
Chiara Denaro

refugees expressed their voices; acts of peaceful resistance, public demonstrations and hunger strikes could all be found on the migration corridors to Europe, and the protests were swiftly reported on social media. Words, pictures and audio-visual messages materialised in several kinds of interactions: with me as researcher and observer and with activists, volunteers and other institutional and non-institutional actors involved in refugee reception and migration flow management. A broader look at the contemporary migration studies debate suggests

in Displacement
Tim Bale
Paul Webb

this it becomes clear that the party membership has gained considerable ground over the years in terms of its role in selecting candidates and party leaders; and while the Party essentially maintains its long tradition of leadership autonomy in respect of policy formulation, it is also true that the grass roots are now able and willing to exercise the various opportunities for expression of dissent on questions of strategy, organisation and policy afforded by the development of new social media. A ‘modernising party’, according to Katherine Dommett (2015: 250

in David Cameron and Conservative renewal
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Wyn Grant

influence the policy agenda in Westminster. The growth of social media has opened up a range of new possibilities for lobbying activities. Policy communities have dissolved. In the case of agriculture, most of the decision-making was transferred to the EU, although the devolved administrations also secured a share. MAFF was abolished and replaced by Defra, which had a much wider remit. Environment, conservation and animal welfare organisations became part of the policy-making process, introducing new concerns and themes. The policy agenda and the framing of issues

in Lobbying
Networked spectrality in Charlie Brooker’s 'Be Right Back’
Neal Kirk

, and posts to online social media sites, which later becomes housed in a biotechnical body. What begins as a means of offsetting grief and announcing Martha’s (Hayley Atwell) pregnancy to her deceased boyfriend, Ash (Domhnall Gleeson), becomes a persistent, uncanny reminder of her loss. Martha ultimately accuses the embodied ‘performance’ of her dead beloved as ‘not enough

in The Gothic and death
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Alison Phipps

PRINT.indd 82 14/01/2020 13:18 The outrage economy media-driven world. Its key currencies are views, clicks, likes and shares. Success is being seen, getting the spotlight. And it often stops there, ‘as if seeing or purchasing feminism is the same thing as changing patriarchal structures’.1 This preoccupation with being seen reflects the narcissism of political whiteness. And it befits the self-referential way we communicate, in networked media and social media environments. We are now living in an era of what political theorist Jodi Dean calls ‘communicative

in Me, not you
Corinne Fowler

order to explore the obstacles faced by black and Asian writers, this chapter initially takes the example of Joe Pemberton’s novel Forever and Ever Amen (2000), discussed in an earlier essay published in 2008, before considering how such problems are amplified and complicated for poets, whose work is by definition a noncommercial literary form. This chapter considers the prospects for the next generation of British black and British Asian poets in the light of significant changes that are affecting the publishing industry, including the rise of social media, the

in Postcolonial Manchester
Laura Suski

and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Sarah Atkinson
Helen W. Kennedy

became the founder of the ‘PPSC’, was sufficiently drawn by his investment in BttF to make the journey to London to experience the SC event. In previous publications we have explored the high-profile social media debacle that took place when the opening night was cancelled just hours before it was due to commence. 18 Large numbers of participants who were travelling far from home – without their mobile phones – were, at very short notice, cast adrift in London without an event to attend. Highly textually literate

in Secret Cinema and the immersive experience economy
Sophie Body-Gendrot

and France as illustrations. In the second part, I take public space as a kind of laboratory for current claims, protests and cultural insubordination. Forms of resistance in public space are currently boosted by the use of social media. Yet public space remains determinant in the disorder process; it is a political resource (BodyGendrot 2017a). In the last part, I argue, however, that horizontal protest movements are not enough to change the neoliberal system which has met little opposition in the last fifty years. A transformation of institutions is needed as well

in Western capitalism in transition