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The growth of terrorism and counterterrorism in Nigeria, 1999–2016
Jennifer Giroux and Michael Nwankpa

Introduction Most discussions about terrorism in Nigeria – and, indeed, Africa more broadly – tend to be about the Nigerian-based group referred to as Boko Haram – and for good reason. Formed in the early 2000s out of a small religious sect in the northeast of Nigeria, over the years Boko Haram has become an increasingly violent force that evolved into a full-blown insurgency in 2009 – a year that is also notable as it marked the decline of a completely different insurgency in Nigeria's Niger Delta region in the south. Since then, sustained

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Egypt’s counter-terrorism policy post-9/ 11 and beyond
Bassant Hassib

“independent CSOs” by associating CSOs with national security threats; i.e., terrorism. Hence, under the umbrella of counter-terrorism citizens allow, cheer, and encourage the state’s extraordinary measures to crack down on CSOs. Correspondingly, securitization of CSOs is no longer solely state-driven, but also “ non-state driven ”; society practices self-policing. Second, the high

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Globalisation, securitisation and control
Christopher Baker-Beall

4 Constructing the ‘migrant’ other: globalisation, securitisation and control Introduction This chapter explores the strand of the ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse that constructs the ‘openness’ of European Union (EU) society as an environment that terrorists seek to take advantage of, demonstrating how issues regarding migration and border control have come to occupy a key dimension of the EU counter-terrorism response. In the period before the events of 11 September 2001, migration was an important subject on the agenda of the EU in relation to the

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
Propaganda and finance in Al Qaeda and Islamic State
Author: Imogen Richards

Few social and political phenomena have been debated as frequently or fervidly as neoliberalism and neo-jihadism. Yet, while discourse on these phenomena has been wide-ranging, they are rarely examined in relation to one another. In response, Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism examines political-economic characteristics of twentieth and early twenty-first-century neo-jihadism. Drawing on Bourdieusian and neo-Marxist ideas, it investigates how the neo-jihadist organisations, Al Qaeda and Islamic State, engage with the late modern capitalist paradigm of neoliberalism in their anti-capitalist propaganda and quasi-capitalist financial practices. An investigation of documents and discourses reveals interactions between neoliberalism and neo-jihadism characterised by surface-level contradiction, and structural connections that are dialectical and mutually reinforcing. Neoliberalism here is argued to constitute an underlying ‘status quo’, while neo-jihadism, as an evolving form of political organisation, is perpetuated as part of this situation.

Representing differentiated, unique, and exclusive examples of the (r)evolutionary phenomenon of neo-jihadism, AQ and IS are demonstrated in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism to be characteristic of the mutually constitutive nature of ‘power and resistance’. Just as resistance movements throughout modern history have ended up resembling the forms of power they sought to overthrow, so too have AQ and IS ended up resembling and reconstituting the dominant political-economic paradigm of neoliberalism they mobilised in response to.

Irene Chan

suppression of the Uyghur community, both internationally and domestically. Critics have pointed out that terrorism is a rhetorical tool to secure and legitimize Chinese rule over restive autonomous regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang. 2 Terrorism in China has been closely related to separatist movements in ethnic autonomous regions, particularly the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (henceforth ‘Xinjiang’). An examination of the spike in violent incidents in Xinjiang and mainland China since 2008 shows that the potential of social unrest in Xinjiang is real

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Preventing ‘radicalisation’, ‘violent extremism’ and ‘terrorism’
Christopher Baker-Beall

5 Constructing the ‘Muslim’ other: preventing ‘radicalisation’, ‘violent extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ Introduction This chapter explores the strand of the ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse that connects the threat of terrorism to ‘violent religious extremism’. The chapter focuses specifically on an EU belief that preventing terrorism is best achieved through the development of policies designed to combat the process of ‘radicalisation’. The chapter considers the emergence and evolution of the EU’s counter-radicalisation discourse. It shows how the ‘radicalisation

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
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Diplomatic embarrassment and European democratic identity
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

It seems to me unacceptable that asylum requests or other difficulties in extradition can be problematic among the associate members who form the European Union. José Maria Aznar, Spanish Prime Minister, 1996 No international material has been put before me to demonstrate that Spain fails to live up to its fair-trial obligations in terrorism cases or otherwise

in Counter-terror by proxy
An ad hoc response to an enduring and variable threat
Rashmi Singh

Introduction On 26 November 2008, the world watched in horror as ten armed men in a series of coordinated attacks wrought havoc on the Indian coastal city of Mumbai. Terrorism in India had made the headlines – again. While these were neither India's, nor indeed Mumbai's, first major terrorist attacks, their sheer scale and innovation, the high number of foreigners killed, and the inability of India's security apparatus to respond in a timely and effective manner quite rightly focused the world's attention upon India's counterterrorism (CT

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
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Language and politics
Richard Jackson

terrorism’ and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. The enactment of any large-scale project of political violence – such as war or counter-terrorism – requires a significant degree of political and social consensus and consensus is not possible without language. For a government to commit enormous amounts of public resources and risk

in Writing the war on terrorism
The view from New Delhi
Rajesh Rajagopalan

of terrorism as state strategy, but little beyond. In addition, there are also some common worries about Pakistan’s dependence on tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs) and early nuclear escalation strategy. But it is unclear that these can lead to any viable cooperation between the two sides. Current state of cooperation on nuclear stability There has been only quite minor cooperation between the U.S. and India on enhancing nuclear stability, primarily having to do with nuclear security, and even this has

in The future of U.S.–India security cooperation