out that the consequence of greater openness in the decision-making processes was ‘to make cadre privilege and abuseofpower more transparent than before, and since this is open subversion of the democratic process promised by the committees, it may make cadre privilege appear to be even more illegitimate and intolerable than in the past’ (Walder, 1996: 56).
At the same time, despite tentative movements towards rule-governed order and nominal constitutional guarantees, greater political openness and ‘expanded civil rights of expression
of the need for ministers to know of the likely effects of their actions. Ministers appeared more circumspect thereafter and, as we have seen, despite media reports that the prime minister may act in a way as to defy the convention, he failed to do so.
The occasions also served, perhaps counter-intuitively, to demonstrate the value of conventions. There is no legal requirement for the monarch to accept the advice of ministers. If ministers offered advice that was utterly perverse and an apparent abuseofpower, there is the ultimate sanction of the monarch
of citizenship, the gifting of citizenship reifies citizenship – particularly Anglo-European citizenships – as a valued stable object to ‘own’, therefore concealing its uncertainty.
Moreover, the Windrush scandal is also living evidence of racial citizenship and the legacies of imperial Britain and anti-colonial struggles; the expulsion (actual or virtual) of Windrush citizens was not merely the product of mistakes, mismanagement or abuseofpower. Rather, it resulted from the very racist state structures and governing practices that brought
gothic tropes and images distaste at the abuseofpower
associated with European modes of colonialism.
For all its gothic trappings the film does not quite
manage to cast everything into a past associated with Europe. It engages
with the then modernity of film form, as, in Walter Benjamin’s
critique, one of the most striking technical manifestations of crowded
urban existence. Murder Legendre is not only a
force, has reconfigured personal knowledge in everyday life, shaping
subjective, moral and religious realities around the uses and abusesofpower (Worby 1998).
The occult imaginary and degradation through witchcraft victimization are among the most contentious problematics of postcolonial anthropology (Niehaus 2001). Much has been written about
Anthropology and the postcolonial
the perceived resurgence of witchcraft as a topic of both academic
and public discourse, and about the ambiguous topic of damage to
others by occult means.1 Fisiy and Geschiere have
the specific contexts
in which states and terrorists operate for the sake of an abstract
and, therefore, thin identity. That identity leads us astray, distorting
our understanding both of the state’s abuseofpower and of terrorism. Both states and terrorists target noncombatants but they do so
in very different circumstances and, in these cases, circumstances
can make the difference, morally speaking.
It is not that analysts are unaware of differing circumstances.
They are aware of them but they choose to discount them.
Grayling, for example, acknowledges that
Bernard and his men. 15
The capitula of Toulouse show that the oppressors also included bishops, and those who complained about them were the priests of ‘little churches’ ( ecclesiolae ). The author of the preamble, writing in the king’s name, tried to keep a balance between the necessitates (needs) of bishops and the possibilitates (resources, means) of priests; but the responses in the capitula sketched a long history of abusesofpower. My suggestion is that Hincmar was the author, and that his sympathies were with the priests. On 12
only of making his subjects fearful and subordinate to him is,
d’Eon insisted, ‘the scourge of the human race’. His abuseofpower will certainly
make him feared: ‘but he is hated and detested, and must fear his subjects more
than they have reason to fear him’.33 Rather than ruling by fear, d’Eon counselled,
a ruler will prove far more successful if he seeks to make his people happy,
and his authority will never be better established than when it is founded on
love for his people.34 Thus d’Eon insisted that the goal of wise politics should
eliminate Third World debt. Developing countries
receive about $136 billion in aid from donor countries, including debt
cancellations. But they pay out to rich countries in debt service about
$600 billion, much of it in the compound interest of loans granted
to deposed rulers (Hickel 2014). Estimates are that from 2002 to
Debt as Power
2007 the net flow of money from poor to rich countries was minus
$2.8 trillion (Abugre 2010).
As we pointed out previously, most of that debt reflects absurd
conditions, rank incompetence, or a cynical abuseofpower by
abusesofpower. And it has a potential influence also on Russia and
But all this depends upon Europe acting cohesively, and gaining and
keeping its moral leadership. In the longer run only a cohesive European
effort to promote globally its new value system offers a hope of influencing the US to develop similar values. The same is true in relation to
Russia and, eventually, China.
And time is running against Europe. On present form, within forty
years demography will have reduced Europe’s workforce by one-quarter.
Economic growth cannot be sustained