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M. Anne Brown

out that the consequence of greater openness in the decision-making processes was ‘to make cadre privilege and abuse of power more transparent than before, and since this is open subversion of the democratic process promised by the committees, it may make cadre privilege appear to be even more illegitimate and intolerable than in the past’ (Walder, 1996: 56). At the same time, despite tentative movements towards rule-governed order and nominal constitutional guarantees, greater political openness and ‘expanded civil rights of expression

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
When is a convention not a convention?
Philip Norton

of the need for ministers to know of the likely effects of their actions. Ministers appeared more circumspect thereafter and, as we have seen, despite media reports that the prime minister may act in a way as to defy the convention, he failed to do so. The occasions also served, perhaps counter-intuitively, to demonstrate the value of conventions. There is no legal requirement for the monarch to accept the advice of ministers. If ministers offered advice that was utterly perverse and an apparent abuse of power, there is the ultimate sanction of the monarch

in Governing Britain
Anne-Marie Fortier

of citizenship, the gifting of citizenship reifies citizenship – particularly Anglo-European citizenships – as a valued stable object to ‘own’, therefore concealing its uncertainty. Moreover, the Windrush scandal is also living evidence of racial citizenship and the legacies of imperial Britain and anti-colonial struggles; the expulsion (actual or virtual) of Windrush citizens was not merely the product of mistakes, mismanagement or abuse of power. Rather, it resulted from the very racist state structures and governing practices that brought

in Uncertain citizenship
Abstract only
From White Zombie to World War Z
Fred Botting

gothic tropes and images distaste at the abuse of power associated with European modes of colonialism. For all its gothic trappings the film does not quite manage to cast everything into a past associated with Europe. It engages with the then modernity of film form, as, in Walter Benjamin’s critique, one of the most striking technical manifestations of crowded urban existence. Murder Legendre is not only a

in Globalgothic
Richard Werbner

created force, has reconfigured personal knowledge in everyday life, shaping subjective, moral and religious realities around the uses and abuses of power (Worby 1998). The occult imaginary and degradation through witchcraft victimization are among the most contentious problematics of postcolonial anthropology (Niehaus 2001). Much has been written about Anthropology and the postcolonial the perceived resurgence of witchcraft as a topic of both academic and public discourse, and about the ambiguous topic of damage to others by occult means.1 Fisiy and Geschiere have

in Anthropology after Gluckman
A. J. Coates

the specific contexts in which states and terrorists operate for the sake of an abstract and, therefore, thin identity. That identity leads us astray, distorting our understanding both of the state’s abuse of power and of terrorism. Both states and terrorists target noncombatants but they do so in very different circumstances and, in these cases, circumstances can make the difference, morally speaking. It is not that analysts are unaware of differing circumstances. They are aware of them but they choose to discount them. Grayling, for example, acknowledges that

in The ethics of war
Janet L. Nelson

Bernard and his men. 15 The capitula of Toulouse show that the oppressors also included bishops, and those who complained about them were the priests of ‘little churches’ ( ecclesiolae ). The author of the preamble, writing in the king’s name, tried to keep a balance between the necessitates (needs) of bishops and the possibilitates (resources, means) of priests; but the responses in the capitula sketched a long history of abuses of power. My suggestion is that Hincmar was the author, and that his sympathies were with the priests. On 12

in Hincmar of Rheims
Rachel Hammersley

only of making his subjects fearful and subordinate to him is, d’Eon insisted, ‘the scourge of the human race’. His abuse of power will certainly make him feared: ‘but he is hated and detested, and must fear his subjects more than they have reason to fear him’.33 Rather than ruling by fear, d’Eon counselled, a ruler will prove far more successful if he seeks to make his people happy, and his authority will never be better established than when it is founded on love for his people.34 Thus d’Eon insisted that the goal of wise politics should Hammersley_01_TextAll2

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France
Open Access (free)
A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt
Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

eliminate Third World debt. Developing countries receive about $136 billion in aid from donor countries, including debt cancellations. But they pay out to rich countries in debt service about $600 billion, much of it in the compound interest of loans granted to deposed rulers (Hickel 2014). Estimates are that from 2002 to 128 Debt as Power 2007 the net flow of money from poor to rich countries was minus $2.8 trillion (Abugre 2010). As we pointed out previously, most of that debt reflects absurd conditions, rank incompetence, or a cynical abuse of power by lending

in Debt as Power
Garret FitzGerald

American abuses of power. And it has a potential influence also on Russia and China. But all this depends upon Europe acting cohesively, and gaining and keeping its moral leadership. In the longer run only a cohesive European effort to promote globally its new value system offers a hope of influencing the US to develop similar values. The same is true in relation to Russia and, eventually, China. And time is running against Europe. On present form, within forty years demography will have reduced Europe’s workforce by one-quarter. Economic growth cannot be sustained

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century