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Death by a thousand cuts?
Ashley Lavelle

often had a hand. He notes that the social democrats’ ‘big tent’ approach has run its course, as its large membership base has slowly withered away and its mass support in the electorate has almost evaporated. Moreover, social democracy has been blindsided by social movement activists, first beginning in significance in the 1960s and 1970s, re-emerging with vigour in the late-1990s with the ‘anti-globalisation movement’, and exploding with the present anti-austerity mobilisations. The radical ‘1960s and 1970s rebellions’ emerged almost completely independently of

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis
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A thousand contradictions
Marc James Léger

,’ which is informed by such eventful broadsides as Alain Badiou’s The Return of History and Slavoj Žižek’s The Year of Dreaming Dangerously . 2 The substance of such so-called ‘post-Marxism,’ and indeed, of the intellectual influence of Žižek and Badiou, is privileged in these pages over liberal-left, micropolitical, schizo-anarchist, identitarian and countercultural trends in contemporary art and politics. Addressing the political and cultural movements that coalesced around anti-globalisation protest and the ‘movements of the squares’ in Greece, Spain, Egypt

in Vanguardia
Marc James Léger

struggles, in which class struggle is made to compete with various other forms of anti-oppression. The issue for Marxism is the disparity that is implicit in the way these issues are addressed. On the one hand, from a historical point of view, the anti-globalisation movement and movement of the squares had made important steps away from postmodern micropolitics and initiated a re-engagement with the struggles of the macropolitical left. As Žižek put it in the early 2000s: [I]n the postmodern ‘anti-essentialist’ discourse regarding the

in Vanguardia
Louise Amoore

a short step from ‘responding’ to ‘resisting’. In both formulations, societies and social groups are separated from, and opposed to, some ethereal process or project of globalisation. Power is ‘wielded’ in both instances, either by the promoters of the project, or by the resistors in their ‘anti-globalisation’ strategies.8 Just as social change is conceived by the neo-Gramscians in terms of social forces within a historical bloc, so it is also presented in ‘periods’ of transition, from one set of structures to the crisis, and then to the rebuilding. The

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Emotion, affect and the meaning of activism
Hilary Pilkington

). Others chose not to wear colours even at demonstrations because of the potential risk to safety Emotion, affect and the meaning of activism193 this entailed moving around the city before joining the coach or demonstration (Tina). Those who adopted this approach said they were never made to feel excluded because of this (Richard). Performative acts at EDL demonstrations are limited in comparison to those found at larger anti-globalisation or anti-austerity demonstrations. Most frequent was the use of face masks, especially pig masks but also those representing hate

in Loud and proud
Between emancipation and stigma
Patrícia Alves de Matos

precariat are situated. The political status of the term has shown it to possess a contested moral character, torn between emancipatory possibilities and the threat of moral stigma tied to downward social mobility and social devaluation. In this chapter, I begin by providing a summary of the emergence of the precarity vocabulary within Southern Europe, emphasising its mobilisation as a terminology of social emancipation and critique among anti-globalisation social activists. I offer a brief discussion on the debates regarding the condition of precarity and the class

in Disciplined agency
Geoffrey K. Roberts

of structure to co-ordinate activities during some campaign of very limited duration (to oppose German adoption of the European currency, for instance). It is important to remember that, as in the UK or the USA, thousands of organisations exist which never engage in political activity, and thousands more only do so on rare occasions, when some proposed policy may affect their activities, resources or freedom of action. Others may participate in political action with only a very loose form of organisation, such as the anti-globalisation protests which have taken

in German politics today (third edition)
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Wolf politics
Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

about to solve the problem of representation, but is still more attractive than any other party. The turn of nationalist (West) Germans to the East to repopulate the imagined ‘empty lands’ goes hand in hand with ideas of ‘purification’ of German territories and strong anti-immigration, anti-globalisation, anti-system and anti-cosmopolitan attitudes. As we talk to different people who were, in some way or another, affected by the wolf issue, among them farmers, hunters, local residents in rural areas and conservationists, the micro-politics that relate to the wolf

in The wolves are coming back
Martin Upchurch and Darko Marinković

and World Bank held in September 1999. Two subsequent key World Bank documents consolidate the new thinking, which was contextualised by the 1999 Seattle and other anti-globalisation protests. The first document emanated from the World Bank’s Social Protection Advisory Service as a discussion document in 2004 (Egulu, 2004). The paper, written by one of the ICFTU African representatives, focuses on the ‘weaknesses and shortcomings which have limited the effective participation of trade unions’ in the World Bank programmes and calls for ‘... more dialogue between the

in Workers and revolution in Serbia
Marc James Léger

goal of the historical avant gardes was the sublation of art into life. 30 McKee considers that the work of Strike Debt represents an altogether ‘new’ programme of politicised art. 31 In my own jargon, and given the fact that such activist work as Strike Debt is being produced on this side of the anti-globalisation movement and after 9/11, the war on terror, and after the widespread awareness of workerist concepts in the cultural field, one could refer to this kind of practice as not simply ‘activist,’ but more complexly as ‘post-political bio-activism.’ The point

in Vanguardia