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Eunice Goes

Parties in National Governments’, in Olsen, Hough, and Koß, Left Parties in National Governments, pp. 173–205 (p. 182). 43 Michelle Hale Williams, ‘A New Era for French Far Right Politics? Comparing the FN under the Two Le Pens’, Análise social 46:201 (2011): 679–695 (p. 682). 44 Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, ‘Now UKIP Is Gunning for Labour, What’s Ed Miliband Going to Do about It?’, Guardian, 30 May 2013. See also Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, Revolt on the Right:  Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (London: Routledge, 2014). 45 ‘Unemployment

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband
Élodie Lecuppre-Desjardin

‘imagined communities’ and an assessment of the usefulness of the couplet ‘nation-state’ in relation to the principality of Burgundy will be possible. From ‘my Lord's lands’ to ‘Burgundian national consciousness’ In taking up the problem of the nation and the formation of national identity, historians enter a minefield, particularly as far-right political groups continue to make progress throughout Europe. When their object of study corresponds in part to modern Belgium and the Low Countries, where extremist parties like the New

in The illusion of the Burgundian state
Abstract only
Non-elite cosmopolitanism in the Brexit era
Ben Rogaly

of ‘taking back control’.48 This book is being written at a time of national and international ferment and change. Populist nationalist regimes with ‘strong-men’ leaders, most of them associated with far-right politics, have come to power in the USA, Brazil, Hungary, the Philippines, Turkey, Italy and India. Russia is led by its long-established strong man Vladimir Putin. In 2016 the UK voted to leave the EU, a move campaigned for (for different reasons) by politicians of both left and right, with its largest and most determined base on the nationalist populist

in Stories from a migrant city
The conversational etiquette of English national self-identification
Susan Condor

used without being brought to the forefront of the mind or mentioned in conversation by the less loaded term, ‘implicit’. 16 Specifically, they tended either to be people who held far-right political views, or to be people with experience of living in Scotland, where we might surmise they

in These Englands
Abstract only
Françoise breaks free?
Richard Bates

The social and political values of Dolto’s birth family – the Marettes – were essentially those of the anti-Dreyfusard upper classes of the late nineteenth century and belle époque . With wealth derived from the metals industry, the Marettes were a six-child family living in a well-to-do Parisian neighbourhood. Supportive of monarchist (far-)right political currents, they were Catholic, but in a performative or social sense, rather than being especially pious or devout. Somewhat snobbish and suspicious of social

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Caspar Melville

1980s London. Margaret Thatcher had swept to power as prime minister in 1979 promising to boost police resources and powers; policing had become increasingly politicised and racialised (Reiner 2000). As Stuart Hall pointed out in an influential essay, though Enoch Powell had been personally defeated, ‘Powellism’ and the far-right politics it inspired lived on in Thatcherism, through the ‘magical connections and short circuits between the themes of race and immigration control and the images of the nation’ which Powell had conjured (Hall 1979: 20). The Tory govern

in It’s a London thing
Stephen Catterall and Keith Gildart

opposed to dictating to them’.81 Godin remained aware that there was still a contradiction between the consumption of soul and the espousal of racist attitudes in British society: ‘it grieves me to say … there are those in this land who espouse the soul cause but who really would be more their own selves espousing the cause of the National Front’.82 In general, soul publications tended to avoid any discussion of the rise of far right politics. They also provided little coverage of anti-fascist politico-cultural organisations such as RAR and the ANL. This was completely

in Keeping the faith
Identity, performance and the Left 1972–79
Lucy Robinson

never before.127 There were a number of faultlines in the SWPs anti-Nazism. These can be grouped around three key definitive issues; firstly the difference between activism and attending a concert, secondly and thirdly the definition of both the perpetrators and the victims of far-Right politics. RAR and the ANL negotiated identity politics without adequately addressing lesbian and gay politics. In fact, beyond the occasional sing along anthem, sexuality remained largely untouched by the Left. For some, direct political attack required direct political reactions rather

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
Inter-regionalism and the crisis of globalisation
José Antonio Sanahuja and Jorge Damián Rodríguez

. However, by the time Argentina and Brazil announced their intention to “return to the world” and re-embrace globalisation, globalisation itself had become elusive and entered in a deep crisis. When MERCOSUR sought to attract foreign investment and relaunch trade negotiations, no positive response was forthcoming from the rich world. International trade started to show growing signs of fragmentation, and, since 2016, the rise of new nationalist and far-right political actors has brought protectionism and contestation of multilateral institutions and rules. In this

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, details of the political careers of significant West European politicians, especially those who have been head of their country’s government or head of state.

in The politics today companion to West European Politics