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Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper

’ (for example, delegative democracy, incomplete democracy, electoral democracy, illiberal democracy, and so on).7 In the period 2000–05, the Putin presidency has been engaged in a process of ‘state strengthening’, or centralisation, whereby the control of the Kremlin over many aspects of life has apparently been increased. The regions are now overseen both by presidential plenipotentiaries and heads of executives who owe their positions to presidential appointment. The national broadcasting media are under the control of the state, either directly or through state

in Securitising Russia
Abstract only
Stanley R. Sloan

pro-EU centrist Emmanuel Macron soundly defeated the extreme-right populist and EU-sceptic Marine le Pen for the French presidency. Consequences The Brexit vote to leave the EU is one of the most important victories yet for illiberal political movements in Europe – if one accepts that the UK is part of Europe, despite the beliefs of some Brits to the contrary. While the UK’s leading populist radical right party – UKIP – did not win control or even direct participation in government, it nonetheless scared the hell out of the Conservatives and led them down the

in Transatlantic traumas
‘Cameronism’ in context
Richard Hayton

: 206). However, as discussed below, the degree of policy change wrought by Cameron should not be overstated. The prevalence of core-vote tendencies in Conservative opposition strategy also tells us something about the nature of contemporary conservatism and how Conservative politicians both understood their role and viewed their support. The essence of contemporary conservatism, when not being purposefully led elsewhere, is pungently Eurosceptic, socially illiberal and narrowly nationalistic. Between 1997 and 2005 in policy terms, this translated into opposition to

in Reconstructing conservatism?
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Brian Elliott

shared decision-making as the key element of popular democracy, it would seem that we are further than ever from its realization. Many are convinced that the halcyon days of democracy lie behind rather than before us. The idea of ‘illiberal democracy’ first came to widespread attention (Zakaria, 1997 ) as a concept used to describe states where elections are held but there are conspicuous restrictions on civil liberties. Vladimir Putin’s style of governance in Russia is paradigmatic of this trend, where elections are held but a one-party autocracy effectively holds

in The roots of populism
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Democratic conflict and the public university
Ruth Sheldon

’, and specifically Islam, as a key source of conflict is a more recent development (Dinham and Jones 2012; O’Toole and Gale 2013). Following the violent events of 9/​11 and 7/​7 and the emergent Contested framings 19 discourse of a ‘War on Terror’, Muslims’ political claim-​making has been constructed as uniquely illiberal, in violation of Western communicative norms, and has therefore become a focus of government action. As Pnina Werbner (2012) describes, this forms part of an evolving discourse positing a civilisational clash between ‘the West’ and Islam. From

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

Zimbardo, 2006 ). Moreover, liberal democracies also rely on citizens to limit state responses to threat and to hold governments accountable for the illiberal choices they may make in the name of protecting society as a whole from threats and so there is a fundamental political ambivalence surrounding the relationship between vigilance and threat perception (Chalk, 1998 ). This contemporary focus on

in Everyday security threats
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Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

Belloni (2012), hybrid peace governance grasps the fact that peace processes feature a series of liberal, illiberal, international, local, formal, informal, war and peace elements. Hybridity is therefore an analytical alternative to the liberal peace. But beyond its analytical purchase, hybrid peace governance also implies for Belloni a rejection of the universal value and applicability of the liberal peace, a rejection of the ‘patronizing top-down approach’ and an alternative to ‘Western social engineering and paternalism’ (Belloni 2012: 34). Hybridity is therefore not

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

(previously Front national) in France, the United Kingdom Independence Party, the Greek Golden Dawn, Fidesz in Hungary, as well as Law and Justice in Poland. While the postcommunist states of East-Central Europe have sought to push the EU into a more ‘illiberal’ direction that opposes migration and the protection of minorities in favour of an emphasis on Christian values, the populist movements in its western ‘core’ have moved in a more Gaullist direction, calling for the scaling back of supranationalism towards a model of a Europe des patries . The rise of this ‘axis of

in Memory and the future of Europe
Matt Sleat

address. The circumstances of politics do not just 03-Liberal_realism_(Chap 3)_071-088.indd 73 07/02/2013 15:17 74 Liberal realism include disagreements within a shared political framework, in Rawls’ case a constitution designed along the lines of a political form of liberalism, but the political conflicts between persons who endorse different forms of political framework. What Rawls excludes from politics is political conflicts, disputes between liberals and those that hold illiberal conceptions of justice (by definition, unreasonable persons).18 Such differences

in Liberal realism
Allyn Fives

least receptiveness to the actual exercise of these capacities’ (Macleod, 2003, p. 318). A second, relevant distinction is that between ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ forms of Socratic nurturing. For it is possible to value Socratic nurturing merely as a means to ensure children embrace ends deemed valuable by adults (weak Socratic nurturing). In contrast, strong Socratic nurturing is based in part on the ‘importance of expressing respect for the autonomy potential of children per se’ (ibid., p. 319). Therefore, there need be no tension between respect for illiberal ways of life

in Evaluating parental power