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This chapter analyzes the network of relationships and motivations among the accusers and accused in the Pendle area, shedding light on the related trial of Jennet Preston of Gisburn. The chapter explores the question of what disposed gentry and magistrates in the Lancashire and Yorkshire borderland to promote the destruction of the Pendle witches in 1612. Two men of considerable standing in the society of those parts instigated the persecution: Roger Nowell and Thomas Lister. Close investigation reveals the interdependence of the two trials. The gentry accusers and magistrates in both cases were part of the same Protestant social network, and both had family experience of suffering at the alleged hands of witches. The families from the hill-country were crushed between the millstones of two different perceptions of the nature of witchcraft, millstones set on their dire motion by traumas in the families of the instigators. A whole web of connections, with many suggestions of family intrigue and manipulation is uncovered, bringing out an individual perspective on family breakdown, persecution and victimization.
10 Cities and nation-states in the urban age: will inter-dependence reshape rules for the twenty-first century? Hope: putting cities first in policy to make cities safer In this last chapter, the nation-state, which has been almost as visible as the city in a book about cities, takes on greater importance. In the twentieth century, governments and their policies arguably had a greater impact on cities than cities had on governments; in the twenty-first century, cities and the challenges they face may turn out to reshape international relations and national
already thought by someone else – and that for every opportunity out there, hundreds of equally competent individuals will be competing, most of whom are fellow → art workers . So better to have done with those squabbles and focus our energies on bringing about a world where all those talents will not go to waste – and where ideas can multiply in the process of → generous exchange. But to get this done, projectarians need to engage in a project larger than themselves, stay with the → struggle and exercise their shared → interdependence in practice and not only in
according to rationally established principles can be criticised in a number of ways. The psychologist Carol Gilligan, for example, has questioned the claim that rationality constitutes the pinnacle of moral development on empirical grounds.9 Gilligan argues that to place too much emphasis on rationality as the basis for morality is to run the risk of neglecting the important roles of interdependence, emotion and caring in the moral life. She argues that Piaget, Kohlberg (and by implication Rawls too10) neglect the importance of these aspects of morality in their accounts
took place in Paris in December 1957. In Paris the term ‘interdependence’ was introduced into political discourse for the first time. NATO leaders declared that ‘our Alliance … must organize its political and economic strength on the principle of interdependence’. They stated further that ‘we have agreed to cooperate closely to enable us to carry the necessary burden of defence without sacrificing the individual
endeavour is rooted in the different treatments and perceptions of ‘general concepts’ such as sovereignty, autonomy and interdependence, to mention only a few. Both normative and narrative interpretations of the integrative project, purporting to identify the logic of a distinct form of regionalism and its implications for the participating state and societies, often tend to overemphasise either the importance of the central institutions or, conversely, the role of national governments in setting the integrative agenda and then acting authoritatively upon it. This ‘battle
its strategic partners Brazil (2007) and Mexico (2009). Both trade and political dialogues have in common that they are built no longer around regional or sub-regional schemes – according to the EU paradigm of “pure inter-regionalism” between two integrated blocs that speak with a single voice – but around multilevel formats, according to the changing nature of regionalism (Ayuso and Caballero 2018 ; Gratius 2021 ). Whilst political dialogue started in the 1980s, in the midst of the Cold War, in a context of global interdependence, from the
the future National Security Adviser, Brzezinski, there would be no ‘community of the developed nations which can effectively address itself to the larger concerns confronting mankind’. 44 In light of new, common problems and increasing interdependence, especially in the sphere of economic integration, better coordination and new forms of collective management appeared to be necessary. 45 As Schaetzel, the Ambassador to the European Community, wrote about the so-called ‘Nixon shock’, that is the administration’s unilateral decision to cancel the US dollar
responses they generate on behalf of political actors. The second argument refers to the link between European integration and issues relevant to conflict resolution in international relations theory, such as sovereignty, interdependence, peace processes, state building, and the constitutionalisation of conflict resolution. What do the findings in the individual chapters suggest about the effects of European
imperialist influence to establish a relatively autonomous regional system. Additionally, in the rise of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), south–south solidarity produced exceptional financial power that, while failing ultimately to raise the region from the economic periphery, arguably transformed the position of the swing oil producer, Saudi Arabia, from dependence into asymmetric interdependence. However, favourable conditions for regional autonomy have, particularly since the end of the oil boom and Cold War, been largely reversed. The West