Search results
interest. The enunciators are quite varied and, in the corpus analysed, NGOs are the most represented voice followed by newsmedia, intergovernmental organisations (in particular the UNHCR) and governmental organisations.13 The reports seem to have no voice of their own: the text is almost entirely inside quote marks. The passages that are not quotes merely introduce the quotations, through presentation sentences without any marker of opinion. The main consequence of this style of presentation is that the enunciator of the reports (the COIS) tends to erase itself from the
the central government to implement adjustment policies rather successfully in various areas such as fiscal policy and social development. However, it must be emphasised that neither Qatar nor the UAE have yet tackled necessary deep structural reforms, for instance in the fields of the labour market and income taxation policies. Besides the domestic level, Arab Gulf states have also responded to the post-2014 oil price decline through mainly two intergovernmental organisations. These are the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
(London and New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 74. 13 Geoffrey Edwards and Christoph O. Meyer, ‘Introduction: charting a contested transformation’, Journal of Common Market Studies, 46:1 (2008), 1–25; Richard Jackson, ‘An analysis of EU counterterrorism policy discourse’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:2 (2007), 233–247. 14 The Council of Europe is an intergovernmental organisation, which is separate from the EU. It is made up of 47 member states including all 28 EU member states. It promotes human rights, democracy and the rule of law in Europe. 15 The
of member parties and a smaller Committee elected by the Council (European Green Party, 2017b ). However, the PES arguably takes this intergovernmentalism the furthest, with no less than three intergovernmental organisations: the Council (which ‘contribute(s) to the shaping of the PES policy’ and ‘serve(s) as a platform for strategic discussions’ (Art. 29.1)); the Presidency (the ‘highest organ’ for day-to-day administration and implementing decisions of Council and Congress (Art. 33.1/2)) and the Leaders’ Conference, convoked by the President and held at least
is obvious that when we are operating outside the WTO, in other intergovernmental organisations, then we are representing the WTO as an institution, and we have to be aware of that. It might be that in some contexts, you know, if you are at an academic conference, you could try to pretend that you are speaking in a personal capacity. (WTO 1) The fairly small size of the WTO Secretariat and the fairly low turnover of personnel accompany elements of an overarching Secretariat identity. Our interviewees report that WTO officials attach fairly strong identities
piecemeal evolution and whose agents would be members of various national and transnational elites, the role of which could not be characterised as strictly ‘political’. More recent neo-functionalists would argue that the EU is a sui generis polity, that we cannot view it in the same light as a state or an intergovernmental organisation and that we need to judge it as it is, looking at its novelty and unique advantages as well as what we understand to be its disadvantages. Such judgements may result in our thinking that we need to reconsider the way in which we
support, the interwar work of the UIA was not without consequence. In 1920, the UAI’s World Congress of International Associations presented the draft convention for an intergovernmental organisation for intellectual work. The conceptualisation of this body as a ‘vast collective brain’ echoed the encyclopaedic aspects that featured so prominently in La Fontaine and Otlet’s work.111 However, the UIA’s campaign also exemplified two key dimensions of the ‘internationalisation of the intellectual field’.112 The first aspect was the support for a broadly defined constituency
emphasis on democratisation and poverty reduction. The Council of Europe in Strasbourg, founded in 1949, is an intergovernmental organisation working for ‘greater unity’ between its forty-four member states ‘for the purpose of safeguarding and realising the ideals and principles which are their common heritage and facilitating their economic and social progress’. The Committee of Ministers (composed of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs or their Permanent Representatives) is the Council’s decision-making body. The Parliamentary Assembly is the organisation’s deliberative
for the formal endorsement of a Synthesis Report, in which the main conclusions of the reports from all the three WGs are synthesised). At WG and Panel Plenary levels, the IPCC is characterised by an unprecedented openness. While it is only national delegates (and scientists, in the endorsement of summaries at WG level) that have formal voting power in the IPCC, all NGOs and intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) accredited within the UN system can participate at IPCC meetings. At these levels, these meetings have never been closed to participants from these
control the development of the system through international and intergovernmental organisations. The WTO, the IMF, the EU, NATO and a host of similar bodies were mostly set up to underwrite the US-led post-1945 system, but they have gained renewed prominence because of globalisation. (2006: 95) 07c Globalisation 164-190 176 2/2/11 15:11 Page 176 Globalisation and ideology in Britain These institutions are therefore said to ‘police’ the global economy, in order to ‘enforce the complex relationships between trade, investment and economic growth’ (Middleton, 2005