the emergence of humanitarian intervention by promoting key resolutions to the UN General Assembly and the Security Council in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In addition to this normative and diplomatic role, both Mitterrand's and Chirac's executives helped shape the way the international community practised human protection throughout the decade through France's military contribution to internationalinterventions undertaken for humanitarian purposes.
In contrast, France played no role in the emergence of R2P during Chirac's presidency because
to stability was complete. 25 Their eyes were also turned to the prolonged civil wars and state disintegration that erupted in Yemen, Libya, and Syria and required international interference. 26 Hazim Saghiya spoke of a transitional and bloody phase that could head in different directions, since regime change is not a cosmetic exercise, but may lead to an earthquake that could seep through into society. This could result in internationalintervention, as happened in Libya. Moreover, he argued, the achievement of liberty is not sufficient. To safeguard freedom it
Actors and institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus and Northern
composition of Yugoslavia’s population, 1991’, Yugoslav
Survey, 33:1 (1992), cited in R. M. Hayden, ‘Imagined communities and real victims:
self-determination and ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia’, American Ethnologist, 23:4
32 S. Bose, Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and InternationalIntervention
(London: Hurst, 2002), 216.
33 R. Belloni, ‘Peacebuilding and consociational electoral engineering in Bosnia and
Herzegovina’, International Peacekeeping, 11:2 (2004), 336.
34 S. Sebastián, Post-war Statebuilding and Constitutional Reform: Beyond Dayton
civilisational hierarchies between their white, European nation and stereotypes of black, brown and Asian (or ‘Chinese’) peoples, supposedly unprepared for modernity. The politics of racism and peacekeeping in the Yugoslav wars exemplified how post-Yugoslav racisms mediated the geopolitical reversal that many ex-Yugoslavs felt they had undergone.
Racism, peacekeeping and internationalintervention
One ‘global’ racism in 1990s Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina channelled resentment that the humanitarian and securitising Western gaze had
and Britain on 25 February, was sought at
Three aspects of the debate in the run-up to the war are
particularly interesting in relation to this study’s focus on the
legitimacy of internationalintervention. Firstly, while the prospect of
war gave rise to deep divisions and disagreements, opening a diplomatic
rift between Europe and the US and provoking increasing anti
questions of intervention and the accountability of war criminals and heads of states (Ratner 2000) became more contentious and were vigorously debated, with the role of individuals and ‘the people’ central to the conclusion of this debate. As sovereignty became popular, in other words was seen to rely on the will of the people, the question of what to do when this connection broke down and people were ruled without their consent connected smoothly with the problem of (gross) human rights violations, which were increasingly seen to make internationalintervention
of social, historic, political, cultural, economic and, possibly,
religious factors. Internationalintervention in the form of a military
episode cannot respond to the intricate and structural roots of human
rights abuses, and may indeed exacerbate them. Such intervention must be
accompanied by a long-term commitment to protection and restructuring.
International institutions themselves may help to create crises that
period in which
the concept of international law was developed and during which time it was decided to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
(ICTY). Researchers also agree that the internationalintervention to provide humanitarian assistance to civilian populations, representing the maintenance of
minimal human rights standards, assumed great importance in the political diplomatic discussions. These studies feature lively discussions on the importance of
NATO’s intervention in the region by using air power against the Bosnian Serbs
Coinciding locales of refuge among Sahrawi refugees in North
internationalintervention forces ‘in transit’ through the camps. In this way, camps become ‘transit points’ of refuge to these arriving global actors.
Scholarship on refugees has naturally tended to focus the analytical lens on refugees on-the-move or as static inhabitants of camps. But what of those others who move through the camps, which here I have referred to as visitors and foreigners? Analytical distinctions of the global and the local help to open up new ways of seeing the various actors on the ground. The Sahrawi
been thought to be ill-treatment see ‘The Torture Tree’ published in The Nation , 26 December 2005, 28–9.
35 The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004). (See for a longer critique from which some extracts are drawn here, C.A. Gearty, ‘With a Little Help From Our Friends’, Index on Censorship 34 (2005), 46–51.)
36 The Lesser Evil (note 35), 34.
37 Ibid., 8.
38 Ibid., 144.
39 D. Chandler, From Kosovo to Kabul and Beyond: Human Rights and InternationalIntervention