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contemporary female ascetics, even of the tantric variety (Denton 2004), who have chosen to renounce traditional marriage and householder rules. The regulations derived from the Dharma Shastras (the sacred law codes) as propounded in the Laws of Manu (1969) – written somewhere between the second century BCE and the second century CE – have none the less provided the principal guidelines for women’s conduct, though they have not been ubiquitous throughout India.14 In the Brahmanic tradition, a woman’s 132 Irigaray's eastern excursion husband is regarded as her god – she is
the richness and complexity of the Welsh lawbooks for the study of Welsh medieval women. All of the essays, such as Christopher McAll’s study of the contexts of women’s lives as depicted in the lawbooks, laid the groundwork for future scholars, a groundwork which has yet to be built on. 26 Nevertheless, following on from these approaches, the household of the queen in the Welsh laws was briefly covered by Robin Chapman Stacey in an essay which discussed the king, the edling and the queen in the thirteenth-century law codes in a comparative framework. 27 The
trace of arbitrary power in it’. 63 This use of Halhed, as Burke himself knew, was ironic, given Halhed’s authorship of the notorious passages about Indian lawlessness in Hastings’s defence speech. But Halhed’s broad European audience read a variety of meanings into his text; so it is not surprising that Burke drew on it in a limited way to confirm views that Halhed himself contradicted during the trial. Halhed’s own view of legal pluralism was more like that of his patron Hastings. He made clear, for instance, in his widely read preface to the Hindu law code that
law coded all relevant visa regulations. The original intercoder reliability rating was 97.2 per cent and, following a coder meeting, all discrepancies were reconciled. This coding approach is similar to existing undertakings to typologise skilled immigration regimes in so far that they consult and then code relevant policies according to a variety of indicators (e.g. Cerna 2008, 2014; Chaloff and Lemaitre 2009; Gest et al. 2014; Kahanec and Zimmermann 2010; Lowell 2005; OECD 1998, 1999; Papademetriou et al. 2008). Yet, several factors differentiate this study from
estates of the realm. The great law code of 1734 was in some ways the culmination of this process. The activities of the Vikings and early Christians pre-dated the advent of a distinctive period of early co-operation between the Scandinavian kingdoms in the form of the Kalmar Union. This ‘Golden Age’ has become a (justifiable) part of the mythology of contemporary Nordic co-operation. Nor was its inception unimpressive. At a solemn ceremony at Kalmar in Sweden, close to the then border with Denmark, on Trinity Sunday in June 1397, sixty-seven bishops, prelates, nobles
to use the word Marocains for the first time to describe this new national body, 18 just as their counterparts in Annam began to use the words ‘Vietnamese’ to capture a unified Vietnam uniting Cochinchina, Annam and Tonkin into one ‘Vietnam’. In the early 1930s, Mohammed V got his first real taste of change as these nationalist winds swirled. In May 1930, the French Resident had the sultan sign a decree or dahir, protecting customary law codes for the non-Arab, Berber tribes. This move was in part designed to tame their unruly areas, but it also allowed the
understanding of early medieval England as a largely oral/aural culture, and evidence from surviving medical texts, law codes, and the archaeological record indicates a range of sensory perception that seems to have been widely recognized. The entries in Bald’s Leechbook suggest a worldview in which the capacity for hearing, though important in many contexts, was not assumed. Rather, the faculty of hearing itself is described as changing and changeable, in terms of experience rather than identity. Accordingly, the Old English
issued fueros (law codes) and cartas pueblos (municipal charters) to the towns of newly conquered territories and placed the surrounding countryside in the jurisdiction of the towns. These fueros and cartas pueblos conceded a range of privileges ( privilegios ), exemptions (exenciónes or franquezas ), and freedoms ( libertades ). 8 The fueros were upheld by the Cortes (parliaments) and represented a constitutional arrangement. This meant that the Iberian Peninsula could be described as a
and, eventually, inheriting the heavenly territories forfeited by rebels. Replacement, in this sense, becomes a vehicle of lordly compensation, a way to restore what was lost. As I will demonstrate, by framing replacement as a kind of legal transaction echoing the patterns of many contemporary law codes, the poet replicates the power structures of the Anglo-Saxon world in his literary representations of divine power. Dorothy Haines’s important work on the replacement doctrine similarly reveals telling nuances in the ways Anglo-Saxon poets and homilists adapted
at the forefront of engaging with these challenges, especially when Cnut ascended the throne. Joyce Tally Lionarons suggests that, for Wulfstan, the coming of Cnut ‘signaled a reprieve and a chance to rebuild the English nation into Wulfstan’s vision of a holy society’. 39 Like Ælfric, Wulfstan demonstrates a highly developed sense of authorship. While my interest in this chapter lies mainly in Wulfstan’s homiletic corpus, it is important to note that he also wrote numerous legal tracts, law codes, social prescriptions, a commonplace book, and paraliturgical