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in his being identified as leprosus in 1220. As discussed above, Batalla and the lepers mentioned in 1167 and 1220 were receiving these goods on behalf of the leprosarium , thus acting as the administrator. With so few examples, it is difficult to generalise with respect to the agency or authority that individual lepers could possess within the leprosarium community. There are no extant law codes for Narbonne dictating their lives. It is possible they retained some control over their property, or could remain married once they entered the house, like their
meeting marks something of a turning point in the reign. A considerable reorganisation of ealdor–manries, perhaps driven in part by military considerations, occurred around this time, as, apparently, did a reorganisation of royal family lands that was linked to the emergence of the king’s family on to the political scene. 32 The Wantage meeting of 997 may have been the occasion from which the famous law-code, III Æthelred, derives (above, n. 2). Issues of unity were to the fore, and these were reflected in the code’s concern with local practice. It can be no
estates of the realm. The great law code of 1734 was in some ways the culmination of this process. The activities of the Vikings and early Christians pre-dated the advent of a distinctive period of early co-operation between the Scandinavian kingdoms in the form of the Kalmar Union. This ‘Golden Age’ has become a (justifiable) part of the mythology of contemporary Nordic co-operation. Nor was its inception unimpressive. At a solemn ceremony at Kalmar in Sweden, close to the then border with Denmark, on Trinity Sunday in June 1397, sixty-seven bishops, prelates, nobles
law coded all relevant visa regulations. The original intercoder reliability rating was 97.2 per cent and, following a coder meeting, all discrepancies were reconciled. This coding approach is similar to existing undertakings to typologise skilled immigration regimes in so far that they consult and then code relevant policies according to a variety of indicators (e.g. Cerna 2008, 2014; Chaloff and Lemaitre 2009; Gest et al. 2014; Kahanec and Zimmermann 2010; Lowell 2005; OECD 1998, 1999; Papademetriou et al. 2008). Yet, several factors differentiate this study from
dictatorship. Take, for example, Freedom’s definition of anarchism. It defines it as an ‘art’ enacted by individuals working together collectively to creatively transform society without recourse to authoritarian violence (‘force’): Constructive Anarchism. – Practicing the art of self-government and thereby building a society wherein individual rights and social solidarity will be the keynote of the social organization; that each man is as good as he can be, and laws, codes, or rules of conduct have no justification except as they appear ethical or beneficial to the
trace of arbitrary power in it’. 63 This use of Halhed, as Burke himself knew, was ironic, given Halhed’s authorship of the notorious passages about Indian lawlessness in Hastings’s defence speech. But Halhed’s broad European audience read a variety of meanings into his text; so it is not surprising that Burke drew on it in a limited way to confirm views that Halhed himself contradicted during the trial. Halhed’s own view of legal pluralism was more like that of his patron Hastings. He made clear, for instance, in his widely read preface to the Hindu law code that
the Herero War Without doubt, the Kaiser’s seemingly untrammelled power found some concrete limits. In 1886, the Protectorate Law applied a modified version of the 1879 Consular Jurisdiction Act to the colonies, effectively insinuating important elements of the civil-law code of Germany into South-West Africa. 34 It delineated the extent and limits of the Kaiser’s power and the role of colonial
to use the word Marocains for the first time to describe this new national body, 18 just as their counterparts in Annam began to use the words ‘Vietnamese’ to capture a unified Vietnam uniting Cochinchina, Annam and Tonkin into one ‘Vietnam’. In the early 1930s, Mohammed V got his first real taste of change as these nationalist winds swirled. In May 1930, the French Resident had the sultan sign a decree or dahir, protecting customary law codes for the non-Arab, Berber tribes. This move was in part designed to tame their unruly areas, but it also allowed the
and, eventually, inheriting the heavenly territories forfeited by rebels. Replacement, in this sense, becomes a vehicle of lordly compensation, a way to restore what was lost. As I will demonstrate, by framing replacement as a kind of legal transaction echoing the patterns of many contemporary law codes, the poet replicates the power structures of the Anglo-Saxon world in his literary representations of divine power. Dorothy Haines’s important work on the replacement doctrine similarly reveals telling nuances in the ways Anglo-Saxon poets and homilists adapted
at the forefront of engaging with these challenges, especially when Cnut ascended the throne. Joyce Tally Lionarons suggests that, for Wulfstan, the coming of Cnut ‘signaled a reprieve and a chance to rebuild the English nation into Wulfstan’s vision of a holy society’. 39 Like Ælfric, Wulfstan demonstrates a highly developed sense of authorship. While my interest in this chapter lies mainly in Wulfstan’s homiletic corpus, it is important to note that he also wrote numerous legal tracts, law codes, social prescriptions, a commonplace book, and paraliturgical