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be exploited. Unlike CADA, the CPH which accommodate those with refugee status are not legally tasked with a medico-legal function. However, a number of them help occupants who require medical attention. For instance, the CPH run by the Forum Réfugiés in Lyon collaborates with hospitals, GPs and mother and baby protection teams in the Lyon region. It also runs mental health clinics, on its premises, offering CPH occupants a diagnostic and referral service (ibid.). Apart from medical services available in many CADA and some CPH, mental health care within the state
day.’ And we really talked for one hour every day. And in her own way, she made me have friends from the hospital and make social relations” (RSP12, Syrian, M). Some also commented how they managed to overcome the feeling of stigma related to the mental-health care: “We Iraqis hesitate to talk with shrinks but, honestly, it was very helpful for me to talk with a psychiatrist [in the MSF hospital
(Montreal: McGill Queen’s University Press, 2006). MAD0181_ERNST_v1.indd 28 08/10/2015 09:18 Historical and contemporary perspectives 29 2 Vicky Long, ‘Rethinking post-war mental health care: Industrial therapy and the chronic mental patient in Britain’, Social History of Medicine, 26:4 (2013), 738–58. 3 Occupational health has recently become a well-established field: Vicky Long, The Rise and Fall of the Healthy Factory: The Politics of Industrial Health in Britain, 1914–60 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011); Arthur McIvor and Ronnie Johnston, Lethal Work
-specific’ legislation to be passed in the UK, demonstrating the significance of the autism diagnosis to reframing approaches to mental health care, social welfare provision and individual rights in the UK. In 2013, EU Aims, a major initiative to develop new treatments for autism, received the largest grant for any mental health problem in the whole of Europe, revealing the cultural capital and potential for revenue
–1800’, Medical History, 32 (1988), 34–50, at pp. 36–8; Miller, ‘English pauper lunatics’, pp. 318–28. 7 For overviews see A. Scull, The Most Solitary of Afflictions: Madness and Society in Britain 1700–1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993); S. Cherry, Mental Health Care in Modern England: The Norfolk Lunatic Asylum, St Andrew’s Hospital c.1810–1998 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2003); L. Smith, Lunatic Hospitals in Georgian England 1750–1830 (London: Routledge, 2007). 8 J. Melling, B. Forsythe and R. Adair, ‘Families, communities and the legal regulation of lunacy in
Ibid., 141–143. 8 Melling and Forsythe, The Politics of Madness, pp. 107–108. 9 Wright, ‘The Certification of Insanity’, 268. 10 N. Tomes, ‘The Anglo-American Asylum in Historical Perspective’, in C. Smith and J. A. Giggs (eds), Location and Stigma. Contemporary Perspectives on Mental Health and Mental Health Care (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1998), p. 14. 11 Wright, ‘Family Strategies and Institutional Confinement of Idiot Children’, 190–208; Finnane, Insanity and the Insane, pp. 175–220; Walton, ‘Lunacy in the Industrial Revolution’, 1–22. 12 H. Marland
and Forsythe, The Politics of Madness, pp. 186–189; S. Cherry, Mental Health Care in Modern England. The Norfolk Lunatic Asylum, St. Andrew’s Hospital, 1810–1998 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003), p. 74. 46 When a t-test is carried out, the high value of 2.95 rejects the null hypothesis. This is an unlikely result confirming that women spent longer in the asylum during this period. 47 See chapter three. 48 This result is not as significant as it would seem, because it was heavily influenced by the disparity between the numbers of male and female patients in
co-operation’ in the 1960s.70 The LMG originated in 1963, when the Student Christian Movement (SCM), the arm of the ecumenical movement concerned with higher education in Britain, commissioned the doctor and chaplain Andrew Mepham to survey the needs of medical school students. Mepham found that while theology students received lectures and seminars from visiting doctors, with some attending hospital courses on subjects such as mental health care, teaching hospitals made no systematic effort to allow medical students to receive lectures from theologians or other
–69. 5 N. Tomes, ‘The Anglo-American Asylum in Historical Perspective’, in C. Smith and J. Giggs (eds), Location and Stigma: Contemporary Perspectives on Mental Health Care (Boston, 1988), pp. 14, 19; N. Tomes, The Art of Asylum Keeping: Thomas Story Kirkbride and the Origins of American Psychiatry (Philadelphia, 1994), p. xix; M. Finnane, ‘Asylums, Families, and the State’, History Workshop Journal 20:1 (1985), p. 135; S. Garton, Medicine and Madness: A Social History of Insanity in New South Wales, 1880
fifty years were devoted to figuring out the implications of this early work, including the fallout when asylums continued to expand while failing to meet their early promises. While this text follows the recent historiographical shift to decentre the asylum from the history of mental health care, it is impossible to ignore asylums as they loomed large in both patient experience and the cultural understanding of madness for men and women. The rise of the asylum in the second half of the nineteenth century is astounding. At mid-century there were