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Germany and NATO nuclear weapons cooperation
Stephan Frühling and Andrew O'Neil

Transatlantic Relations: 1956–1963 ’, Diplomacy and Statecraft , 17 : 2 ( 2006 ), 369 – 370 . 143 Department of State, ‘Circular Telegram from the Department of State to Certain Missions, Washington DC, 9 May 1962’, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963 , Vol. 13: Western

in Partners in deterrence
The external image of Germany’s foreign policy
Siegfried Schieder

ongoing eurozone crisis, the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, the migration crisis as well as the uncertain development of European integration and transatlantic relations after ‘Brexit’ and the Trump presidency have pushed ‘German foreign policy into an international leadership role’, although Germany had not ‘actively sought such a role’. 97 Germany did not seek ‘greater responsibility in Europe after reunification’; rather, it emerged as a central player ‘by remaining stable as the world around it changed’. 98 However, the growing international demands on German

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Christian Kaunert

EU. The first option for EU member states may well have been to not join the ‘war on terror’ and continue to operate as before, adhering to the traditional principle of national sovereignty. This is represented by the first quadrant in the matrix. However, given the still positive state of transatlantic relations between Europe and America, this would have necessitated a clear rupture in relations

in European internal security
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

, War and Remembrance,’ 45–58. 3 G. Morgan , ‘ European Political Integration and the Need for Justification ,’ Constellations , 14 : 3 ( 2007 ). 4 J. Habermas , ‘ February 15, or: What Binds Europeans, ’ in Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War , trans. M. Pensky ( London : Verso , 2005 ), 8 –12 . Also P. J. Verovšek , ‘ Meeting Principles and Lifeworlds Halfway: Jürgen Habermas on the Future of Europe ,’ Political Studies , 60 : 2 ( 2012 ), 371 –373 . 5 C. Cronin , ‘ Editor’s Preface, ’ in J

in Memory and the future of Europe
Charlotte Wagnsson

this is the case, it is vital to be able to identify such areas in order better to understand past disputes, and foresee possible future crises, in transatlantic relations. It is useful to know precisely on which fundamental issues individual European leaderships have tended to agree and disagree in the recent past. It might be expected that the actors will diverge on a number of important standpoints

in Security in a greater Europe
Balancing, accommodation or driver of change?
María J. García

critical mechanism for the advancement of other aspects of the EU–Latin American relations agenda, and a cornerstone defining the evolution of transatlantic relations. Context of negotiations: geo-economic balancing President Obama's administration (2008–16) pursued an intense trade agreement policy, with a particular focus on setting the rules of trade through ambitious mega-regional agreement negotiations: the TPP with eleven other states in the Americas, Asia and Australasia, and the TTIP with the European Union. Billed as game

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
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Labour’s defence review
Keith Mc Loughlin

1974’, in Reform and Renewal: Transatlantic Relations during the 1960s and 1970s , ed. Catherine Hynes and Sandra Scanlon (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2009), pp. 151–170. 55 Mason, Paying the Price , p. 129. 56 David Fairhall, ‘Cyprus puts defence cuts in doubt’, Guardian , 14 August 1974, p

in The British left and the defence economy
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From stabilisation to integration
Ana E. Juncos

). However, the Iraq War and the resulting transatlantic rift delayed an agreement on the deployment of the EU mission (Reichard, 2006 : 22). It was only a year later, after transatlantic relations had improved and the EU had successfully taken over the NATO operation in Macedonia, that preparations for EUFOR Althea started in Mons and Brussels. The launch of the mission had to await NATO’s official

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
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Labour ministers, vetting and subversion
Daniel W. B. Lomas

’ – gained impetus in early 1950, largely because of pressure from across the Atlantic. The minutes of GEN 183 reveal that ministers and senior Whitehall officials were aware of the impact of the Fuchs case and other security lapses on transatlantic relations and were keen to make amends in return for access to American secrets. At a meeting of GEN 183 chaired by the Prime Minister on 5 April, it was agreed that an

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
From Cold War ‘security threats’ to the ‘security challenges’ of today
David Arter

model of security policy’, West European Politics, 14 (3), pp. 122–43. Greve, Tim (1973) Haakon VII of Norway. Founder of a New Monarchy, Hurst: London. Häkämies, Jyri (2007) ‘Similar yet different: a Finnish perspective on European ­security and transatlantic relations’, speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, DC, 6 September. Haskel, Barbara G. (1976) The Scandinavian Option. Opportunities and Opportunity Costs in Post-war Scandinavian Foreign Policies, Universitetsforlaget: Oslo. Hautamäki, Jaakko (2008) ‘Ystävien kesken

in Scandinavian politics today