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Katy Hayward

’ (FitzGerald, 3 June 1984). However, Irish official discourse to American audiences on transatlantic relations often contains implicitly unfavourable comparisons with European co-operation: our own relations with your great country are based first on human considerations – on people – rather than on the cold concerns of policy. It is on that human dimension, on such old, enduring and unquenchable friendships, that the hope of our world can best rely today. (FitzGerald, 3 June 1984) An unfavourable comparison with the US has also come to the fore at times of unease in EU

in Irish nationalism and European integration
P. G. Wodehouse, transatlantic romances in fiction, and the Anglo-American relationship
Finn Pollard

fictions exploring Anglo-American interactions went apparently unnoticed. And there were contrary experiences. Not all were enamored of the centennial celebrations. The two nations were no longer likely to go to war, but nor was formal alliance close, and the United States hedged when war broke out. Foreign Secretary Grey’s remark in his memoir on transatlantic relations that ‘in the years from 1905 to 1912 there was not much in the handling of public affairs … that retains sufficient interest to be described here’ might speak for a continued reserve as much as a special

in Culture matters
Ben Tonra

narrative as being substantially qualified by the European fixation with consensus. This opens a critique that the 177 178 Global citizen and European Republic European Union is a necessarily weak international actor and that despite (or indeed because of) the scale of its ambitions, caution needs to be exercised so that transatlantic relations are not undermined. Thus, according to a Sunday Tribune newspaper editorial, because ‘each and every country in Europe has its own special relationship with the US … we must strive to build a transatlantic partnership based on

in Global citizen and European Republic
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

1990), pp. 47–67; and Gary Goertz, Contexts of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 75–81. 24 2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 25 Eurasian security governance 22 See Jervis, ‘Theories of War’; and John Duffield, ‘Transatlantic Relations after the Cold War: Theory, Evidence, and the Future’, International Studies Perspectives, 2:1 (2001), pp. 93–115. 23 Robert Jervis, ‘Cooperation under the Security Dilemma’, World Politics, 30:2 (1978), pp. 167–214. 24 Cited in Duncan Snidal, ‘Relative Gains and the Pattern of

in Limiting institutions?
Christian Kaunert

EU. The first option for EU member states may well have been to not join the ‘war on terror’ and continue to operate as before, adhering to the traditional principle of national sovereignty. This is represented by the first quadrant in the matrix. However, given the still positive state of transatlantic relations between Europe and America, this would have necessitated a clear rupture in relations

in European internal security
American segregationists and international racism after civil rights
Zoe Hyman

), The U.S. South and Europe: Transatlantic Relations in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2013), 243–64. 13 See, for example, Daniel Geary and Jennie Sutton, “Resisting the Wind of Change: The Citizens’ Councils and European Decolonization”, in van Minnen and Berg (eds), The U.S. South and Europe , 265–82; Stephanie R. Rolph, “The Citizens’ Council and Africa: White Supremacy in Global Perspective”, Journal of Southern History 82.3 (2016): 617–50; Clive Webb. “Jim Crow and Union Jack: Southern Segregationists

in Global white nationalism
Abstract only
Labour’s defence review
Keith Mc Loughlin

1974’, in Reform and Renewal: Transatlantic Relations during the 1960s and 1970s , ed. Catherine Hynes and Sandra Scanlon (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2009), pp. 151–170. 55 Mason, Paying the Price , p. 129. 56 David Fairhall, ‘Cyprus puts defence cuts in doubt’, Guardian , 14 August 1974, p

in The British left and the defence economy
Abstract only
Ciara Meehan

Postwar America’, Journal of Consumer Research , 31:1 (2004), 236–7. 8 Sean Nixon, Hard Sell: Advertising, Affluence, and Transatlantic Relations c. 1951–69 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016), pp. 66–9. 9 Bernadette Whelan, ‘American Influences on Irish Advertising

in A woman’s place?
Germany and NATO nuclear weapons cooperation
Stephan Frühling
Andrew O'Neil

Transatlantic Relations: 1956–1963 ’, Diplomacy and Statecraft , 17 : 2 ( 2006 ), 369 – 370 . 143 Department of State, ‘Circular Telegram from the Department of State to Certain Missions, Washington DC, 9 May 1962’, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963 , Vol. 13: Western

in Partners in deterrence
Abstract only
From stabilisation to integration
Ana E. Juncos

). However, the Iraq War and the resulting transatlantic rift delayed an agreement on the deployment of the EU mission (Reichard, 2006 : 22). It was only a year later, after transatlantic relations had improved and the EU had successfully taken over the NATO operation in Macedonia, that preparations for EUFOR Althea started in Mons and Brussels. The launch of the mission had to await NATO’s official

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia