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, austerity became an infamous expression in French political speech. No French government would ever acknowledge that its own policy is tuned in such a way. In fact, Barre, a former university economics professor and Economy and Finance European Commissioner (1967–73), aimed to curb inflation through the reduction of overall demand, which implied a sharp rise in unemployment and many bankruptcies and plant closures for out-of-date industrial sectors – a policy that the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher would apply only a few years later with far more success. This
(together with large parts of their male populations), as well as by British supporters of imperial loyalty and cohesion. By 1914 there was a wide range of well-established services to promote movement to the Dominions.2 While some offered a range of different training programmes for women, most were concerned with domestic occupations, preparing their young charges for a life of service and marriage. As in other fields of social and economic policy, rising unemployment ultimately led to state intervention. Yet while men were viewed as suitable objects of state
the fiscal resources that were created by rapid growth in order to reduce inequality and improve social welfare. Instead, it turned these resources back, through tax reductions that favoured the wealthier members of Irish society. Some initial observations At the end of the 1980s, the Irish people suffered a twenty per cent official rate of unemployment1 and the state had one of the highest ratios of debt to national income in the world. The 1980s had been a difficult period of restructuring in the world economy. The southern Irish economy, whose indigenous
the world from the perspective of the ‘deportee’. The chapter proceeds with a description of what people face after deportation – focusing on poverty, violence, in security, ill-health and unemployment – before situating these hardships in historical and global context. I trace contemporary economic and social relations in Jamaica through slavery and colonialism, before offering a broad theorisation of citizenship in global perspective. Ultimately, my argument is that citizenship is fundamental to the racial ordering of the world and the (re) production of a
unemployment levels remained relatively low throughout the period, there were fluctuations which affected the working classes’ leisure participation. In 1932, for example, the Derbyshire Advertiser, the region’s weekly paper, observed that libraries in industrial areas were well utilised because they provided ‘a means of recreation and study in this period of industrial and financial depression’.2 Derby’s library committee, who recorded library issues and were well aware of variations in borrowing, shared this view, noting: ‘Unemployment undoubtedly had something to do with
opportunity to migrate to Europe. In this context, it is not surprising that hundreds of Chagos islanders and their descendants applied for UK passports and sought to migrate to the UK. During my fieldwork in Mauritius in 2002–4, the reasons Chagossian prospective emigrants gave for wanting to emigrate from Mauritius fell into three main categories: firstly, what they viewed as a low-quality and inequitable education system; secondly, high unemployment and unattractive employment opportunities, especially for those who felt structurally disadvantaged as a result of poor
get 25 different I.R.A. men to come into his club and received the same answer: “they’d have nothing to do with any Organization in America”’.116 Similarly, in August 1925, the New York Times detailed an organisation formed to assist IRA veterans who had recently arrived in New York. Meeting at the Central Opera House, these men ‘denounced’ the lack of support for republicans who arrived in the US ‘without funds’.117 The inability and failure of the IRA in the immediate years after the Civil War to deal with the unemployment issues of its members and subsequent
and the rise of an apparently viable socialist alternative became widely attractive, not least to many of Keynes’s Cambridge contemporaries, and contrasted with the rise of fascism and nationalism, which culminated in a Second World War even more destructive than the First. A liberal economics based on enlightened self-interest in which, by assumption, neither states nor unemployment existed made sense neither as theory nor ideology, and Keynes became the most prominent of many economists trying to articulate a more realistic theory, a theory which would better
unemployed architects claiming benefits peaked in August 2009 at approximately 7 per cent of the profession.7 While similar to unemployment rates generally for a time, the official unemployment figures for architects decreased after this point, stabilising at approximately 3.5 per cent of the profession in 2011.8 In a review of survey data in the RIBA Journal in 2012, Vince Nacey, director of the Fees Bureau, commented that the growth of small architecture practices, such as sole traders, being set up by previously unemployed architects might partly explain falling
, and that migration to traditional Commonwealth locations would continue to offer basic prospects of self-improvement in the ways it had done for centuries. This was brought into sharp focus by the British recession of the 1980s, which saw steep rises in unemployment, peaking at over three million by mid-decade and persisting through booms and busts into the 1990s. It was fertile ground for fostering thoughts of emi82 Thatcher’s refugees and Thatcher’s beneficiaries 83 7 Aspiring migrants queuing in the rain for an Australian information day, Manchester, March