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writes, when it is in fact ‘willing transphobia’.1 Similar strategies underpin feminist campaigns against the sex industry, which set themselves against the fictional ‘pimp lobby’. It is not surprising that the majority of transexclusionary and anti-sex-work feminists are white. This reactionary feminism accelerates the white feminist ‘war machine’, using the media and social media outrage economy to maximum effect. Although its numbers are small, this movement is tightly networked and highly organised. Its tactics are similar to the notorious harassment campaign
upswing (in reality achieved only when the war machine was set in motion in the US and the world at large; see Kolko, 1976: 155). All in all, there was a comparatively small presence by the state in the economy of the 1930s. Debunking other myths, Callaghan makes the point that an overstatement of social democratic strength during the post-war boom serves to render a false novelty to the apparent impotence of social democracy in negotiating politics and economics in the age of so-called ‘globalisation’. What is commonly referred to as the golden era of social democracy
’s gesture of setting art free from the search for truth, it ‘returns’ to haunt philosophical modernity, sucked back into the vortex of speculation by the force of the movement of dialectical negation. What Lacoue-Labarthe calls Hegel’s ‘gigantic “war machine” directed against aesthetics in general’ fails both to eliminate art and to exclude it from systematic thought.16 When Hegel returns to the problem of the ‘end of art’ later in the Aesthetics, he seems to recognise as much, and the meaning given to art’s ‘pointing beyond itself ’ changes significantly: in this self
women; and here they differ from male narratives. While the writings of men tell of being led up to the war front and held there either to survive or to be dragged into and destroyed by the war machine, for those female writers not attached to ‘official’ services, flight was possible and could occur at almost any time. Memoirs such as Violetta Thurstan’s Field Hospital and Flying Column have this tone. They are about freedom, not captivity. Nurses who avoided ‘official’ enlistment, and offered their services, instead, to ‘freelance’ hospital units or to Red Cross
denial and social debasement. Her purpose here is to save not her son but Rome (and herself) from her son’s ‘war machine’. As if she could not consciously acknowledge that, in the end, her city might matter more than her son, she seems to face a dilemma: ‘Alack, or we must lose / The country, our dear nurse, or else thy person, / Our comfort in the country’ (110–12). But at the same time she challenges her
(London: Hogarth Press and the Institute of Psycho-Analysis, 1937), quoted in D. Pick, War Machine:The Rationalisation of Slaughter in the Modern Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 231. 25 Woolf, Three Guineas, p. 26. 26 Monk’s House
’ (SFT, 553). The only way to escape from the war machine is to stop its inexorable movement by putting it into reverse. Men then become visible again, able to be seen in themselves, not only as part of an unfathomably large process. However, despite the reversed machine, there is no chance of returning men to the state in which they entered it. The war’s duration was a significant cause of disenchantment. Madeleine, in free indirect discourse, describes ‘the daily growing aftermath of disillusionment in the war’ (SFT, 220) and similarly, the narrator of Sixty
so sure that it does not rise on occasion to an intensity of feeling which friendship never touches. It may be less in itself, I don’t know, but its opportunity is greater. Friendship implies rather more stable conditions, don’t you think? You have time to choose. Here you can’t choose. (MPF, 143) The element of choice separates camaraderie and friendship, as Sarah Cole points out: it is ‘the difference between a world that valorizes the individual and one in which human beings become fodder for a voracious war machine.’80 The alienation of mass living is felt
with the oppositional Country ideology – or Old Whig and Commonwealth – that developed from roughly the 1660s as a critique of Crown patronage and an expanding professional army, as well as a system of public credit and national debt (including a newly founded Bank of England) that helped Britain become a major European war machine. This drew on, and in many ways Anglicised, European traditions of
honest ale (albeit weak and overpriced), not the prim decency of temperance, which provided the soundest bulwark against both the cultural and military threat of the German war machine. 188 chap13.indd 188 22/06/2009 10:58:52 The pub and the people Many underlying demographic shifts were also accelerated by the Second World War, the most significant of which was the popularisation of the pub among young women. Mass-Observation had already observed that a significant number of pub goers in the late 1930s were female, however the majority of these were women aged