it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core
to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of
moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of
any markers of identity or citizenship.
What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological
– the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I
have argued elsewhere, for example, that
, cosmopolitan citizens and themes relevant to
their everyday lives and perceptions of citizenship. Thus, the distinction commonly
drawn between ‘data rich’ governments, institutions and commercial
enterprises, which collect, store and mine data, and ‘data poor’
individual citizens targeted by such efforts has been criticised for obscuring
global inequities ( Ruckenstein and
Schüll, 2017 ). This insight is highly relevant to humanitarian
wearables, because it
Four Conversations with Canadian Communications Officers
Globetrotting or Global Citizenship? Perils and Potential of International Experiential Learning ( Toronto :
University of Toronto Press ), pp.
230 – 57 .
( 2018 ),
Mobilizing Mercy: A History of the Canadian Red Cross ( Montreal and Kingston :
McGill-Queen’s University Press ).
( 2021 ), ‘ Social Media and Charities in Canada ’, in
S. D. and
Innovations: Change for Canada’s Voluntary and Nonprofit Sector
Lewis Hine’s Photographs of Refugees for the American Red Cross, 1918–20
Sonya de Laat
( Gutman, 1967 : 14). Hine’s skills would prove invaluable for shining light on civilians’ wartime need; they were equally instrumental in making the ARC shine as American’s preeminent relief agency.
It was the Great War that created stateless persons, making stark the emerging reality that rights were not inhered in the person, as has been the central tenet of European philosophy since the time of the French Revolution. Rights were increasingly tied to citizenship ( Ngai, 2004 ; see also Hunt, 2007 ). For many in today’s world it is difficult to imagine anything
This book provides a critical account of contemporary egalitarian theories. It challenges their focus on issues of choice and personal responsibility, and questions their ability to address the major inequalities that characterise the contemporary world, before presenting an alternative vision of egalitarian politics based on the challenge of a genuinely inclusive form of citizenship. This vision is defended through a critical discussion of four key issues in political theory: the recognition/redistribution debate, the connection between equality and responsibility, the ideal of equal opportunities, and the significance of ‘globalisation’ for the politics of equal citizenship. The book provides a critical account of the most important contemporary egalitarian theories, including the work of John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin and the luck egalitarians, Anne Phillips, Iris Young and Nancy Fraser. It also relates these theories to contemporary political (and especially citizenship) practice, assessing them in relation to the impact of neoliberalism on contemporary welfare states, and the shift from ‘social’ to ‘active’ forms of citizenship.
This book addresses the major theoretical and practical issues of the forms of
citizenship and access to citizenship in different types of polity, and the
specification and justification of rights of non-citizen immigrants as well as
non-resident citizens. It also addresses the conditions under which norms
governing citizenship can legitimately vary. The book discusses the principles
of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all
citizenship stakeholders (ACS). They complement each other because they serve
distinct purposes of democratic inclusion. The book proposes that democratic
inclusion principles specify a relation between an individual or group that has
an inclusion claim and a political community that aims to achieve democratic
legitimacy for its political decisions and institutions. It contextualizes the
principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the
question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of
different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and
argues that they differ in their membership character. It examines how a
principle of stakeholder inclusion applies to polities of different types. The
book illustrates the difference between consensual and automatic modes of
inclusion by considering the contrast between birthright acquisition of
citizenship, which is generally automatic, and naturalization, which requires an
The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.