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Karl Polanyi (1886–1964) returned to public discourse in the 1990s, when the Soviet Union imploded and globalization erupted. Best known for The Great Transformation, Polanyi’s wide-ranging thought anticipated twenty-first-century civilizational challenges of ecological collapse, social disintegration and international conflict, and warned that the unbridled domination of market capitalism would engender nationalist protective counter-movements. In Karl Polanyi and Twenty-First-Century Capitalism, Radhika Desai and Kari Polanyi Levitt bring together prominent and new thinkers in the field to extend the boundaries of our understanding of Polanyi's life and work. Kari Polanyi Levitt's opening essay situates Polanyi in the past century shaped by Keynes and Hayek, and explores how and why his ideas may shape the twenty-first century. Her analysis of his Bennington Lectures, which pre-dated and anticipated The Great Transformation, demonstrates how Central European his thought and chief concerns were. The next several contributions clarify, for the first time in Polanyi scholarship, the meaning of money as a fictitious commodity. Other contributions resolve difficulties in understanding the building blocks of Polanyi's thought: fictitious commodities, the double movement, the United States' exceptional development, the reality of society and socialism as freedom in a complex society. The volume culminates in explorations of how Polanyi has influenced, and can be used to develop, ideas in a number of fields, whether income inequality, world-systems theory or comparative political economy. Contributors: Fred Block, Michael Brie, Radhika Desai, Michael Hudson, Hannes Lacher, Kari Polanyi Levitt, Chikako Nakayama, Jamie Peck, Abraham Rotstein, Margaret Somers, Claus Thomasberger, Oscar Ugarteche Galarza.

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Thomas Hennessey

and the Korean War Crisis’, in Ian Nish (ed.), The East Asian Crisis: The Problem of China, Korea and Japan (London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 1982), pp. 1–42; William Stueck, ‘The Limits of Influence: British Policy and American Expansion of the War in Korea’, Pacific Historical Review, 55 (1986), pp. 65–95 17 MacDonald, Britain and the Korean War, p. 95 18 Peter Lowe, Containing the Cold War in East Asia: British Policies Towards Japan, China and Korea 1948–53 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), pp. 256–257 19 R.J.  Foot

in Britain’s Korean War
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Michael Rush

the idea that ‘worlds of welfare’ are conventionally divided into established welfare states, which are exclusively European and English-speaking welfare regimes, and emerging welfare states, which are divided into the three categories of Latin America, East Asia and Eastern Europe/Russia (Castles et  al., 2010). The choice of established welfare regimes focuses on EU debates and the English-speaking EU member states of Ireland and Great Britain. Great Britain and Ireland were previously identified as exemplar models of strong malebreadwinner regimes (Lewis, 1992

in Between two worlds of father politics
Milton Osborne

It is an ironic fact that among South-East Asian societies, those of Indo-China are among the least accessible through the medium of English-language fiction. For almost a decade before it ended in 1975, the Second Indo-China War was a dominant feature of American life, causing controversy which spread throughout the Western world. Yet, in the West today, the region where the war was

in Asia in Western fiction
Shaoqian Zhang

[Picture of the Current Situation]’, first published in furen wenshe shekan 輔仁文社社刊, July 1898. By scrutinising these two cartoons, one can understand that political cartoons had already begun to play an important role in responding to East Asia's fast-changing political position by the turn of the twentieth century. 15 Needless to say, the modern print industry and news media supported the production and

in Comic empires
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

Introduction Donald Trump’s 2016 election threatened a revolution in US Asia policy. Since the early years of the Cold War, the United States has been a constant presence in the region’s security setting. 1 American military power has been the pre-eminent force in the region, organised through a series of bilateral alliances and quasi-alliance guarantees. This presence was part of the larger US Cold War grand strategy in which Washington sought to ensure a favourable strategic balance in Western Europe, the Middle East and East Asia. 2 Although the Obama

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Ethnic minorities and localities in China’s border encounters with Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam
Victor Konrad and Zhiding Hu

Cai features a growing number of gambling facilities and clubs now outlawed in adjacent China. Also evident are services catering to cross-border traffic of local and long-distance nature, including auto repair, brokerage, accommodation and restaurants. 6.1 Emerging borderlands of China and South East Asia. Lao Cai and Hekou

in Border images, border narratives
Imaginaries, power, connected worlds
Jeremy C.A. Smith

of global history. Since the formative phase of human expansion, nomads have also re-​stimulated civilisational bases at different points (Cox, 2002: 144). Sea-​bound movements were crucial (Gillis, 2013: 22–​4). Voyaging brought distant ancestors of Australian Aboriginal civilisation through South-​East Asia to the southern 83 Inter-civilisational engagement 83 continent. In the last primary migration, Lapita peoples consolidated the western Pacific and then spread to Fiji and Samoa before completing colonisation of the ocean basin by reaching the Polynesian

in Debating civilisations

The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.

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Author: David Whyte

This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.