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Oliver P. Rafferty

judged in the wider context of later medieval European Catholicism(s) as a whole. To what extent, then, did the burgeoning European devotional cultures of the later middle ages influence and shape practical Catholicism in Ireland? Did Catholics in Ireland regard themselves as part of a larger Catholic culture and, if so, how did this identity reconcile itself with assertions of distinctiveness? Furthermore, how different was one’s identity as an Anglo-Irish Catholic in the fifteenth century Pale from that of an English Catholic visitor, or indeed from the ‘mere Irish

in Irish Catholic identities
David Coast

ordinary subjects, also reported these rumours.22 A report circulated in the Spanish Netherlands that James was so angered by Buckingham’s behaviour towards the Spanish ambassadors that he had committed him to the Tower of London, and this foreshadowed later reports that James had imprisoned Buckingham for treason.23 Disgruntled English Catholics did not need outside encouragement to believe that powerful individuals were plotting against James. In February, a priest approached William Trumbull, the English ambassador in the Spanish Netherlands, saying that he had

in News and rumour in Jacobean England
Rosemary O’Day

include consideration of these writers. However, it seems appropriate because they moved the argument on from one that concentrated upon the primitive church to one that focused on very recent events. Moreover, their attack on Elizabeth was also an attack upon Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn. I have decided not to examine the writings of the Appellants because they do focus upon the responsibility of the Jesuits for the Catholics’ plight in Elizabethan England. For a short treatment of this see John Vidmar, OP, English Catholic Historians and the English Reformation, 1585

in The Debate on the English Reformation
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Mervyn Busteed

population in the city well before the famine influx of the later 1840s, already producing a second generation. Indeed, in his evidence to the Irish Poor Report commissioners in 1834, Rev. Parker estimated that 50% of the Irish in the city had been born in Britain.19 The accelerating arrival of this new element had a profound impact on the internal dynamics of the pre-existing Catholic community. It has been argued that by 1800 the native English Catholic Church was growing steadily in strength and confidence and that a gradual transfer of influence and leadership was

in The Irish in Manchester c. 1750–1921
Ulrike Ehret

concern for the safety of the Church in Germany in his letters to the German hierarchy.99 Like the French bishops, the English Catholic hierarchy decided in 1937 not to criticise the persecution of the Church in Germany in public so as not to provoke further reprisals by the regime: The statements of Germany’s political leadership have made it entirely clear that Christianity as such is considered to be an obstacle to the reconstruction of Germany and that they anticipate to get rid of it in one way or another. You have therefore warned your flock of further and more

in Church, nation and race
Abstract only
Andrew Mansfield

, The English Catholic Community 1688–1745: Politics, Culture and Ideology (Woodbridge, 2009), 230–4, 251. 9 Nick Childs, A Political Academy in Paris 1724–1731: The Entresol and Its Members (Oxford, 2000), 147–8. 10 On Bolingbroke’s role as a conduit, see Rachel Hammersley, The English Republican Tradition and Eighteenth-century France: Between the Ancients and the Moderns (Manchester, 2010), 54–5, 83, 82 n. 11 See Cardinal Louis François de Bausset, Histoire de Fénelon, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1850), 616; Chanoine Moïse Cagnac, Fénelon: Politique tirée de l

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Adolescence, school and French polish
Caroline Bowden

particular interest because they are a rare but substantial survival from a devout Catholic family of the period. 2 Charlotte collected 1,763 personal letters written between 1779 and 1824 and had them bound together into twenty-one volumes which were then preserved in the family. 3 The survival of personal letters is particularly problematic among English Catholic families living under the penal laws which had caused many of them financial difficulties and disrupted their record keeping. The last

in Religion and life cycles in early modern England
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British and Irish diasporas: societies, cultures and ideologies
Donald M. MacRaild, Tanja Bueltmann, and J.C.D. Clark

personal danger if they did not flee repression. At varying times, the harshest possible punishments hung over English Catholics and Protestants, Irish and Scottish Jacobites, United Irishmen and Jacobin radicals. The extent of their victimhood should not be exaggerated over the long duration, but neither should it be ignored. In addressing these and other issues, we attempt to complicate the picture of diaspora-formation by addressing early modern religious and military diasporas on the continent, as well as seaborne settlements in North America and beyond. In so doing

in British and Irish diasporas
David Coast

problems, Philip would demand toleration for English Catholics, but Parliament might vote a generous supply just to prevent the match from taking place.19 The Venetian ambassador also suspected that James wished to threaten Parliament with the completion of the match in order to blackmail it into giving him money.20 Some were cynical enough to believe that James was fully aware that he was being deceived by the Spanish ambassadors about their willingness to conclude the match, but continued with the negotiations because it provided him with a bargaining chip against

in News and rumour in Jacobean England
Geoff Baker

Christianity.78 Throughout Blundell’s surviving correspondence there is little engagement with any of the issues that were dividing English Catholics. However, his commonplace books provide some important, if brief, 145 Reading and reflections insights into his position on central divisive issues, most notably his attitude towards church papistry, his position on the divide between secular and regular clergy and his interpretation of the controversial work of Thomas White. Although Blundell was an open recusant, we have already seen that he corresponded with church papists

in Reading and politics in early modern England