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after the banking collapse, the Treasury was more than ready for a return to its basic raison d’être . For Cameron: ‘The weight of Treasury opinion, of Nick Macpherson, Tom Scholar, of those sorts of people were “this is the right thing to do.”’ In fact, the Treasury imposed the biggest single department cuts on itself (33%) and Macpherson made great efforts to reduce his own civil service headcount. In Danny Alexander's recollection, the Exchequer wanted to go even further: In the Treasury there
becoming the Secretary to the Board. Chancellor of the Exchequer Lord Althorp informed him: ‘your station in society was not such as would have made it fit that you should be appointed one of the Commissioners’.8 However, class was not an insuperable barrier to preferment for the most able, and realistically Chadwick was too combative and unbending to be a suitable choice for a politically sensitive post. Lord Althorp admonished Chadwick not long after his appointment: ‘I will frankly tell you that if the appointment rested with me I should think that any want of
Inundation, or Deluge’ of Scots at court. Two Scots had already acquired high office in England (chancellor of the exchequer and master of the rolls), and the Venetian ambassador reported that negotiations were taking place for a twelve-year moratorium on further appointments. Failure to reach agreement over this issue may explain why English privy councillors, who would normally have been expected to support James’s initiative, proved reluctant to co-operate.14 In the autumn of 1604, the union commission quickly agreed a reform agenda, although the French ambassador
ancient endowments and endowed institutions. The focus will be less on Gladstone himself than on a network of Liberals who were, in varying degrees, close to Gladstone; but it needs to be stressed that the reform of endowments was a recurrent theme in Gladstone’s career. One of the more controversial episodes in his long tenure of the chancellorship of the exchequer was his attempt in his 1863 budget to
therein lay a further problem, in that the formula for revaluation established under the 1948 Local Government Act was considered unworkable.5 To pay for housing, Chancellor of the Exchequer R. A. Butler allowed local authorities to borrow some of their funds from banks or stock options on the grounds that borrowing from the private sector as opposed to the Public Works Loans Board (PWLB) would be more costly for local authorities and would reduce their enthusiasm for capital spending.6 Doubtless, not a few Conservatives realised the arrangement might also benefit
king and council, and the king shall cause a remedy to be given upon his complaint, and those guilty to be punished. By the king. 125. Action against the king’s critics Sensitivity to criticism was a feature of government throughout the reign; see 21 , 135 . Issues of the Exchequer , ed. Frederick Devon (London, 1837 ), 239
, for rent paid to the king in his exchequer at Westminster for the farm of a pool in Stafford called the ‘kyngespoole’ for the same year, 26 s 8 d . Also for money paid to Sir John Stanley, former sheriff of Staffordshire, for green wax paid by you in the king’s exchequer, 70 s . 52 Also for money paid to him as former sheriff of Staffordshire for the king’s use for green wax, 46 s
belief that the Minority government could not overturn King John’s appointments, Walter and his fellow royalist sheriffs continued the wartime practice of spending the fixed dues, proceeds of the county and hundred courts, and issues of the royal demesne manors within their shires as they saw fit, without first accounting for them at the Exchequer.39 This was a crippling practice for the royal government, which thereby was denied a regular revenue from the localities. The situation was such that, by 1220, Pope Honorius III wrote that the great men of England were
moderated poll tax on alien residents. 4 The two taxes were kept strictly separate, and the system for assessing and collecting those subject to the alien subsidy differed significantly from that used for the fifteenth and tenth. Since 1334, the administration of the fifteenths and tenths had been a matter of local initiative, with each tax district charged a fixed lump sum and its inhabitants left to decide how to redistribute the burden across the community; the county-level collectors of the tax were then held personally responsible in the Exchequer for ensuring that
force for change within the parish was less pronounced than in St Martin’s, even when the numbers of gentry resident in St Margaret’s increased in the 1620s. When a new gallery was added to the church in the 1630s, it is notable that this was no ‘Lords’ gallery’: 120 out of 143 pewholders 104 were simply listed as ‘Mr’. Nevertheless, a constant trickle of minor government bureaucrats – especially exchequer officials – were always active among parish officeholders, a pattern that had been set in the medieval period, when the Exchequer had 105 been the first royal