of the deep seabed. Most developing States preferred more rapid progress towards the establishment not only of agreed principles but also of an international organisation with wide powers to regulate seabed mining. The developing States had a sufficient majority to secure the passage in 1969 of General Assembly Resolution 2574, 12 the so-called ‘Moratorium Resolution’, which declared that pending
following the General Assembly's resolution of November 2012 that accorded non-member observer state status to Palestine. This was a strong steer that a fresh declaration would be accepted and, indeed, Palestine submitted one on 1 January 2015 and duly became a state party to the Rome Statute three months later. The third prong of the Palestinian membership initiative was also effective, in that its application for full membership of UNESCO, a UN specialised agency but also an inter-governmental organisation in its own right, was accepted. Although the process for
General Comment, para. 4. 85 In the face of suggestions that peoples should apply to ‘large, compact national groups’: E/CN.4/L.24 (India), and other groups, including minorities (Bossuyt, Travaux, p. 32) the view prevailed that the most general sense of ‘peoples’ applied and no deﬁnition was necessary: E/CN.4/SR.256, p. 7 (Yugoslavia); ibid., p. 9 (Belgium); SR.257, p. 9 (Lebanon). Deﬁnition appeared impossible in view of the variety of opinion expressed at all stages of the drafting: A/3077, para. 67. 86 General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) 1960; see ch. 4 in this
Refiguring childhood stages a series of encounters with biosocial power, which is a specific zone of intensity within the more encompassing arena of biopower and biopolitics. Assembled at the intersection of thought and practice, biosocial power attempts to bring envisioned futures into the present, taking hold of life in the form of childhood, thereby bridging being and becoming while also shaping the power relations that encapsulate the social and cultural world(s) of adults and children. Taking up a critical perspective which is attentive to the contingency of childhoods – the ways in which particular childhoods are constituted and configured – the method used in the book is a transversal genealogy that moves between past and present while also crossing a series of discourses and practices framed by children’s rights (the right to play), citizenship, health, disadvantage and entrepreneurship education. The overarching analysis converges on contemporary neoliberal enterprise culture, which is approached as a conjuncture that helps to explain, and also to trouble, the growing emphasis on the agency and rights of children. It is against the backdrop of this problematic that the book makes its case for refiguring childhood. Focusing on the how, where and when of biosocial power, Refiguring childhood will appeal to researchers and students interested in examining the relationship between power and childhood through the lens of social and political theory, sociology, cultural studies, history and geography.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
This book analyses the use of the past and the production of heritage through architectural design in the developmental context of Iran. It is the first of its kind to utilize a multidisciplinary approach in probing the complex relationship between architecture, development, and heritage. It uses established theoretical concepts including notions of globalism, nostalgia, tradition, and authenticity to show that development is a major cause of historical transformations in places such as Iran and its effects must be seen in relation to global political and historical exchanges as well as local specificities. Iran is a pertinent example as it has endured radical cultural and political shifts in the past five decades. Scholars of heritage and architecture will find the cross-disciplinary aspects of the book useful. The premise of the book is that transposed into other contexts, development, as a globalizing project originating in the West, instigates renewed forms of historical consciousness and imaginations of the past. This is particularly evident in architecture where, through design processes, the past produces forms of architectural heritage. But such historic consciousness cannot be reduced to political ideology, while politics is always in the background. The book shows this through chapters focusing on theoretical context, international exchanges made in architectural congresses in the 1970s, housing as the vehicle for everyday heritage, and symbolic public architecture intended to reflect monumental time. The book is written in accessible language to benefit academic researchers and graduate students in the fields of heritage, architecture, and Iranian and Middle Eastern studies.
Art. 51 which characterised the Cold War came as no surprise. The Security Council’s role was reduced to the occasional rejection of self-defence claims advanced by certain member States whose policies were generally censured. 260 It was normally before the General Assembly that abusive self-defence claims were condemned. The General Assembly resolutions, however, were doomed to be
existence of these factors, and the recognition that the various parts of the law of the sea were inextricably interrelated, led to widespread support for a review of the whole of the law of the sea. It was agreed in 1970, in General Assembly Resolution 2570, to convene a United Nations conference with the task of producing a comprehensive Convention on the Law of the Sea. The conference, the Third United Nations Conference on the
: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 6–13. 22 Delegates with connections to Team Ten included Kahn, Smithson, Bakema, van Eyck, Candilis, Soltan, Ungers, Voelcker, and Tange. See A. Smithson, Team 10 Primer (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1968). Jose Luis Sert was former president of CIAM, while Ludovico Quaroni and Bruno Zevi were trenchant critics of CIAM orthodoxy. 23 The Vancouver conference took place between 31 May and 11 June 1976. Its declaration led to the UN General Assembly resolution 31/109: ‘Habitat’. See United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, ‘UN
solution’ to the Palestinian refugee problem. Although the text references UN General Assembly Resolution 194, the resolution Palestinians cite as the basis of the right of return for Palestinian refugees, the API does not use the phrase ‘right of return’ and the term ‘just solution’ leaves the door open to the Palestinians to make concessions to Israel on the refugee issue. In exchange for Israeli withdrawal, the Arab countries would ‘consider the Arab–Israeli conflict ended, and enter into a peace agreement with Israel, and provide security for all the states of the