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Lindsay Aqui

isolated in the Community through continued resistance to the Commission’s proposals. As the Evening Standard reported, the row over price negotiations showed that ‘Britain’s representatives throughout the Community have managed to upset just about everybody’. 39 Jacques Chirac, then the French minister for agriculture, breathed ‘fire and brimstone about Britain’s allegedly wicked intentions’. 40 Yet disagreement between the French and German delegations shielded Britain from being the only member state to voice objections. As United Kingdom Representation to the EC

in The first referendum
Lindsay Aqui

of Britain’s requirements’. 13 It also would have been difficult to engage in a discussion because the Commission had not yet completed its review of the economic situation within the Community. Furthermore, Wilson may have been concerned about the ongoing disagreements within the Labour Party. Had the meeting gone badly, and become public knowledge, it could have strengthened the anti-Marketeers ahead of the October general election. Wilson and Callaghan’s 19 July visit to Paris had a similar result. In a meeting with Giscard and French Prime Minister Jacques

in The first referendum
David Brown

Jorg Monar, ‘Maintaining the Justice and Home Affairs acquis in an enlarged Europe’, in Apap (ed.), Justice and Home Affairs in the European Union , p. 49. 25 President George W. Bush, joint news conference with President Jacques Chirac (Washington, 6 November 2001), http://archives.cnn.com/2001/US/11/06/ret

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Eglantine Staunton

affiliation (see Macleod and Voyer-Legér 2004 , 80; Treacher 2000 , 23). For instance, Charles de Gaulle declared, “the vocation of France is human, to serve the cause of the human being, the cause of freedom, the cause of the dignity of the human being” (in El Moustaoui 2011 , 291). 4 As the following chapters show, the presidencies of François Mitterrand, Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande were no exceptions. As explained in more depth in the next section, the second influential ideational factor is

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
France and the emergence of the responsibility to protect (2000–2004)
Eglantine Staunton

At the end of the 1990s, the international community questioned how to promote human rights without endangering state sovereignty. In response, the early 2000s saw the emergence of a new concept, R2P, in order to allow states to continue protecting beyond their borders, while addressing the issues raised by humanitarian intervention. 1 During this period President Jacques Chirac was in power thanks to his re-election in 2002. 2 Between 1997 and

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
François Burgat

Tunisian members of the Movement of the Islamic Tendency, whom our “great secular ally” could therefore keep torturing in peace. In this regard, it was said that, in 1994, Jacques Chirac had personally signed an agreement with President Ben Ali to broadcast in Tunisia programs made by France’s second public TV channel. And that it was on that occasion that he reportedly granted his partner-interlocutor a personalized favor. This was to keep Salah Karker (1948–2012)—a dissident whose purported contacts within the army were of particular concern

in Understanding Political Islam
Abstract only
Modernization without Colonization
François Burgat

forsaken cat, give them any more reason to smile. The scenario, however, was well practiced. The trick is to not cave in too early, in order not to encourage more kidnappings, even while making the kidnappers feel growing military pressure. Thankfully, contacts at the highest level eventually bore fruit (including between presidents Jacques Chirac and Ali Abdallah Saleh). Kidnappings were not the only moments that gave life in Sanaa’s warlike tinges. These were quite new to me. The kidnapping of our colleagues had led the Foreign Affairs

in Understanding Political Islam
Revolution in the vines (1961–76)
Andrew W.M. Smith

, in a concerted attempt to keep the leadership young and radicalised. The Audois small-holder was committed to pushing the boundaries of direct action to frighten merchants and force the hand of government. He led a group of commandoes against Jean Doumeng, a merchant who was close to the Communist party and had actually participated in the formation of MODEF. His political associations had previously rendered him untouchable, yet in striking out against Doumeng, Romain had affirmed the independence of the CRAV. Subsequent confrontations with Jacques Chirac saw the

in Terror and terroir
Lea Bou Khater

and services during 1995 and to determine the cost-of-living adjustment that should be carried out for 1996. 54 While the GCWL demanded a 76 per cent wage increase, business representatives were unwilling to offer more than 15 per cent. At this point, the committee suspended its meetings. 55 As a response to the Government’s silence and inaction, the GCWL decided to use the imminent visit of the French President Jacques Chirac to pressure the Government and therefore issued an ultimatum: the Government would answer the

in The labour movement in Lebanon
Michael Byers

But on this occasion it used its political influence to bolster the claim, with President Bill Clinton phoning Tony Blair, Jacques Chirac and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl shortly before the missile strikes to ask for their support. Without having time to consult their legal experts, all three agreed – and made concurring public statements immediately after the U.S. action. As a result of these quick expressions of support by three influential states, other countries were more restrained in their responses than they might have been. This in turn helped obfuscate the

in ‘War on terror’