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Anastasia Marinopoulou

societies; it is also the dialectical moment of negation, shaped by the a priori of consciousness. Critical realism reduces dialectics to a critique of the supposedly objective, and ignores the fact that even the objective is conceived a priori. Despite the initial declarations of loyalty to critical reason, such a view of knowledge and science leaves the door open to social engineering and political manipulation. By limiting dialectics within what is supposedly objective, critical realism abandons the critical perspective of the scientific borne by social agents, where

in Critical theory and epistemology
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Centralising emotions in football fandom
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

an atmosphere without humans involved. Emotions or affect are not free-floating, waiting for humans to pluck them from their environs, but are constituted within the body in interaction with others. The lack of bodily analysis of emotions is also exhibited in Doidge’s (2015a) exploration of Italian football and the ultras. He frequently alludes to emotion, but does not use it as a central tool of analysis. He describes the emotional presentation of football on Italian television but fails to analyse how emotion contributes to the commercial and political

in Ultras
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Peter J. Verovšek

merely the product of social and political manipulation that serves the needs of actors in the present. 31 By focusing on ruptures as turning points, I reject presentist readings of the politics of memory by outlining the preconditions that define the crucial moments when memories can be fundamentally reframed through the creation of new historical narratives. In opposing instrumental interpretations of collective memory that conceptualise the past as essentially malleable, I help to identify how and when ‘certain windows of opportunity’ open, allowing political and

in Memory and the future of Europe
Simon Walker

, condemned to death as a traitor by Richard II in 1397, was the object of a veneration substantial enough to cause the king disquiet, but this enthusiasm proved short-lived; the last reference to Arundel’s merits or miracles dates to c . 1404. 19 The second, and most widely accepted, explanation advanced concentrates upon the undoubted elements of political manipulation to be found in the promotion of these cults and takes that part of the answer for the whole. The motive behind the devotion to these political saints is, therefore, to be explained in primarily political

in Political culture in later medieval England
Open Access (free)
Art as the ‘organ of philosophy’
Andrew Bowie

aesthetic spheres as precisely what enables the scientific, legal and artistic advances characteristic of modernity. Conflating validity claims from the different spheres leads in his view to the kind of irrationality characteristic of feudalism, which the Enlightenment justifiably sought to overcome. The spheres are also conflated in fascism, where criteria of public accountability become randomly decisionistic and aesthetic means are used in political manipulation. At the same time, as we saw in Chapter 2, Habermas is aware of a need to establish a more productive interplay

in Aesthetics and subjectivity
Steven Griggs and David Howarth

forging and disruption of political coalitions (Riker, 1986, 1996). In a telling phrase, Riker coined the term ‘heresthetic’ to capture the ‘art of political manipulation’ by which politicians use a variety of strategic devices to bring about favourable outcomes (Riker, 1986).5 These devices include: practices of determining who are to be the relevant sets of agents in a particular situation; inventing new AirportExpansion.indb 35 4/15/2013 10:09:21 PM 36 The politics of airport expansion actions and political practices that circumvent existing ones; framing and

in The politics of airport expansion in the United Kingdom
Youth culture and the rethinking of historical legacies
Ljubica Spaskovska

the Convention’, which read: (1) Laibach works in a team (collective spirit) modelled after industrial production and totalitarianism, which signifies: it is not the individual that speaks, but the organisation. Our work is industrial and our language political … (3) Every art is subjected to political manipulation … except that which speaks with the language of this manipulation itself. To speak with a political expression means to reveal and admit the omnipresence of politics … Ideology is the locus of authentic social consciousness.57 The lifting of the ban

in The last Yugoslav generation
Jago Morrison

Representatives, with key nationalist politicians offered lucrative political positions (such as the town clerkship of Lagos) in return for foregoing a seat in the central legislature. As Richard Sklar argues in his study Nigerian Political Parties, such episodes perversely lent support to Britain’s credibility, in its reticence towards full home rule and with its half-baked model of ‘semi-responsible government’.12 What they also set in train, however, was a culture of political manipulation and corruption that was to dog Nigeria for years after independence. A few pages later

in Chinua Achebe
Alison Smith

’ (Zimmer 1974 : 42) 2 led Z to be read by many as little more than a good thriller. This is probably less true of L’Aveu , or even of Etat de siège : nonetheless the structures of French society are never the direct focus of these films’ critique, even if their image of political manipulation clearly has relevance wider than the specific anecdote they purport to analyse. Section spéciale has the remoteness which comes with history; by 1975 the shock of Le Chagrin et la pitié (1971) was past and revelations about

in French cinema in the 1970s
Carla Konta

‘attack on the social realities established by the Constitution, the social self-management, […] and the violation of the honour and reputation of the nationalities of Yugoslavia.’ 166 Such elusive definitions left the doors open for political manipulation and invisible boundaries of censorship. Yugoslav balancing between openness towards the foreign world and the defence of its communist power emerged plainly in the approach towards American influence. ‘We will never be able to solve propaganda. It is an octopus with thousands of tentacles […]. But we can do a lot

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70