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An endangered legacy
Matteo Dian

Introduction This chapter will discuss the legacy of the Obama administration of 2009–17 for US–Japan relations. It will highlight elements of change and continuity that characterised the Obama years in the realms of security and economic policy, as well as the significance of historical memory and the processes of reconciliation between the two countries. It will also discuss policy shifts promoted by the administration of President Donald Trump at around the halfway mark of his 2017–21 presidential term in office. The Trump presidency, it is argued, has

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
The case of Warrington
Lesley Lelourec

education and to serve as a reminder that the cause of peace requires constant nurturing’.41 All the groups and protagonists who had contributed to Warrington’s response officially came together in an umbrella organisation, Warrington Ireland Reconciliation Enterprise (WIRE), on 1 September 1995,42 which coincided with the first anniversary of the IRA ceasefire. WIRE constituted a general forum for exchanging information and sourcing grant aid.43 For example, the Warrington Peace Walkers began by organising an annual walk to raise money for the victims’ fund. On the

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
Nicky Rousseau

Reconciliation Commission (TRC)  – still probably the most well-known and cited truth commission  – looms large. It may thus be instructive to examine how the TRC came to exhume bodies, and how an associated practice developed, key features of which continue to characterize post-TRC exhumation work. It is easy to read this practice as comfortably fitting into either the above literatures – in the first, exhumation as an important tool in the transitional justice toolkit; in the latter, how a nationalist nation-building agenda deploys exhumed bodies of guerrilla soldiers, an

in Human remains and identification
Thomas Prosser

. Globalization has weakened the relationship between liberalism and national democracy, a process quickened by the success of national populism. This is a liberal form of externalization; it upsets the traditional balance between domestic and international liberal democracy, making reconciliation of diverse interests more difficult. Though the relationship between liberalism and the democratic nation state is historically umbilical, liberals organizing at this level from the nineteenth century, factors such as the opening of borders and cheaper travel have weakened this

in What’s in it for me?
Communities and collaboration along the Irish border
Caroline Creamer and Brendan O’Keeffe

their implementation. These, together with exchequer and other monies, enabled national policies to adapt to reflect the changing European agenda and, increasingly, local cum regional realities. In the case of cross-border and transnational cooperation, the International Fund for Ireland4 (IFI) and the Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (or PEACE programme), both dedicated to Northern Ireland and the southern border counties, aimed to stimulate socio-economic revival and growth. More recently, the EU-wide community initiative, INTERREG, has emphasised

in Spacing Ireland
A contextual and thematic analysis
Kirk Simpson

Simpson 01 28 19/1/09 10:35 Page 28 Truth recovery in Northern Ireland its very definition it appeals only to one side of the community and therefore cannot achieve long-lasting reconciliation. It immediately elides, for example, even if one were to focus exclusively on crimes perpetrated by the British state and its supposed Loyalist proxies, the equally devastating experiences of unionist-Protestant families who were also the victims of Loyalist paramilitaries but who feel that they cannot subscribe to Irish republican historical revisionism. This is, again

in Truth recovery in Northern Ireland
Brian Pullan

record the arrangements made for several hundred residents, mostly during the seventeenth century – for 713 women at the Deposito di Santa Maria Maddalena in Milan (1589–1626) and 445 at the Soccorso in Bologna (1589–1662). Both establishments handed over more than 40 per cent of their charges to husbands, relatives or other persons who seemed willing to take responsibility for them. Reconciliations between malmaritate and their spouses would presumably account for many of these arrangements. Otherwise, the three standard destinations 110 110 To l e r a n ce , r eg

in Tolerance, Regulation and Rescue
Aaron Edwards

restraint, courage and professionalism of the vast majority of members of the security forces, in defence of British liberal democracy, are overlooked for a range of political reasons which continue to skew our understanding of the past as it really happened.12 This chapter aims to rectify that imbalance by outlining how a more inclusive process may be possible so as to maximise the positive move towards truth, justice and reconciliation. Official state memory and the security forces In August 1969 the Home Secretary, James Callaghan, approved the deployment of British

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Abstract only
Christopher Norton

possibility of moving beyond the politics of grievance to embrace reconciliation. For this reason alone, that vision and those individuals deserve to be recorded in history. 179 The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70 Notes   1 This term was used in 1984 by the Irish Government Minister for Foreign Affairs, Peter Barry.   2 P. Bew, Ireland: The Politics of Emnity 1789–2006 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 578.   3 P.J. McLoughlin, John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2010

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70
James G. Patterson

8 Joseph Cody and James Corcoran Cody and Corcoran, 1800–1801 The inability of the government to curb loyalist depredations created the impression amongst Catholics that the white terror had the sanction of the central authorities. This perception, in turn, crippled the Cornwallis administration’s efforts at reconciliation. In fact, it can be argued that the sectarian focus of the continuing terror, combined with the excesses that preceded the rising and the horror of the rebellion itself, served to void the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the majority

in In the wake of the great rebellion