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traditional mechanisms like the Rwandan gacaca. Its frameworks are mostly based on international human rights and international humanitarian law. The International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD/​the Convention), the foremost human rights convention that seeks to address racial discrimination, has not been part of the framework for analysing conflicts and human rights violations in transitional justice processes.13 Yet available literature suggest that a major cause of some contemporary forms of conflict 8 Lydia A. Nkansah
states for the possession of individual identity that is required of rights claimants. European efforts to classify citizen populations and issue ID cards led to violent ethnic division in countries such as Thailand (Scott, 1998 ) and Rwanda (van Brakel and Van Kerckhoven, 2014 ), showing the negative impacts associated with colonial documentation practices. For Indigenous
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
the massacres of communists in the 1960s, Muslim or Buddhist rituals were replaced by various forms of religious syncretism.8 More recently, in Rwanda, Evangelical churches have rushed into the breach left open by the nervousness of the country’s Catholic Church, some of whose members were caught up in accusations of participation in the genocide, thereby offering a space of charismatic renewal in Christian ritual practice.9 In all of these cases it is as if the sheer scale of the murder and its unique nature prevented an extension of the usual funeÂrary rituals to
deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situations means UN peacekeepers are often called upon to create safe areas and use more “robust” measures to deliver humanitarian aid. If there is a peace to keep, it is a fragile one, with violations occurring from all sides. Second generation peacekeeping often involves preventative diplomacy and enforcing Security Council decisions. 7 The human rights and humanitarian tragedies in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia forced a rethinking of the idea of neutrality when gross violations of human rights are being perpetrated. The rules
Kurds of northern Iraq (1991), Somalia (1992), Bosnia (1992–95), the intervention of the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) in Liberia (1990–96), the US-led intervention in Haiti (1994), French-led forces in Rwanda (1994), NATO’s intervention in Serbia and Kosovo (1999) and the Australian-led intervention in East Timor (1999). In Rwanda effective French intervention came very late, following three months of genocidal massacre by the Hutus of
. The MFA abroad (its embassies, consulates, and mission overseas) is the frontline of diplomacy. Ambassadors and members of the diplomatic corps are responsible for troubleshooting human rights situations and for responding to démarches. The embassy is also involved in preparing or providing information for country reports. In Sidebar 3.2 , former US Ambassador to Rwanda, Margaret McMillion, highlights how human rights diplomacy was pursued by the United States in post-genocide Rwanda. Sidebar 3.2 Margaret K. McMillion (former ambassador to the
sometimes played a part in the process of annihilation, this has not always, or everywhere, been the case, as the Rwandan genocide demonstrates. The industrialization of the destruction process can even be seen as an exception. The different ways in which bodies have been destroyed also raise the question of what happens to human remains. Bones, skulls, hair, and skin are sometimes put on display, as in Buchenwald or during the great famine in China, or simply left out in the open air, as was sometimes the case in post-Soviet Russia or in Cambodia.8 Exhibited, they can be
multilateralism; the attendant volatility of global politics and multiplicity of conflict meant that the search for peace, stability and justice in places like South Africa, Somalia, Bosnia, Haiti and the former Soviet Union also demanded his attention. During Clinton’s Presidency a now estimated 500,000–1,000,000 people perished in the Rwandan genocide, but the peacebuilding efforts that occurred in the aftermath of those hundred bloody days, combined with the ongoing struggle for peace in Israel–Palestine, which he worked so tirelessly to move forward from the 1993 Oslo
Australia, France, Luxembourg, Rwanda, Togo, United Kingdom, and United States African Union Mission to Somalia France, Togo, United Kingdom, and United States African Union Mission to Somalia Congo, France, Gabon, Luxembourg, Morocco, Republic of Korea, Rwanda, Togo, United Kingdom, and United States