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with science and business on profile raising and fundraising. These activities are amplified and monetised by traditional and digital media which ‘align with a consumer-driven model of digital patient activism’ (Petersen et al. 2019 : 489). Facebook and other social media platforms such as Instagram are where patients become involved in what Gerlitz and Helmond have called the ‘like economy’, where ‘like buttons enable multiple data flows between various actors, contributing to a simultaneous de- and re-centralisation of the web’ (Gerlitz and Helmond 2013: 1248
.1 ]. Why is it that monuments in particular are so contested and how did monument activism become a global cause? We could point to the speed of information and the connection between various movements on social media and in the news, but this in turn needs explaining: namely why monuments are so prevalent on social media. It is their occupation of space that sparks the attention. As monuments are situated in public or semi-public space, their realization must be negotiated with whoever has the power to decide their use
’ – Ian Crossland – grassroots activists participated in his election through social media and the Management Committee remains in place with a new Chair. Stepping out of line: hierarchy and discipline In theory the EDL is governed by a ‘code of conduct’ stipulating that all members must adhere to the correct chain of command (division leader, RO, national leadership) (Copsey, 2010: 19). Long-standing activists recognised that the movement had become more structured than in the early days when ‘It was just like ringing up twenty lads, and twenty lads turn up in the
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.
Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.
Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.
This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
, electronic and social media) whipped up popular sentiment to demand complete solidarity. As emotional politics took over traditional spaces for debate and discussion, the urge to explain the current phase of Indian politics and the electoral victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) through the lens of emotions appears to be irresistible. However, all such accounts that invoke a simple and rather indefensible binary between emotions and reason remain myopic. They fail to recognise the deeper shifts that are occurring in the political discourse – changes that often lie
payment space is characterised by ‘industry collision’: everybody wants to do everything. Retailers and banks run phone services as Mobile Virtual Network Operators. Social media platforms (Facebook, Google, WeChat) want to be payment platforms. A mobile operator like Orange wants banking functions. In the sometimes uneven struggle between the social media companies and the mobile operators in sub-Saharan Africa (see Chapter 3 ), the latter have more customers: 469 million registered mobile money accounts in 2019 against 212 million Facebook users
the in-world microsites; social media accounts; flash mobs and pop-ups; the different places, sites and spaces of the productions; the pre-screening-show; and the screening itself. 3.1 Timeline of the audience's experiential journey in the Secret Cinema format. The aesthetic and creative influence of festivals fell away in this
both playing with her daughter and on nights out with friends were posted on YouTube (Fuhrman, 2009). This intensive media interest turned Casey Anthony into a celebrity. A Casey Anthony ‘voodoo doll’ was sold on eBay and a Caylee doll was available online (Fuhrman, 2009).The New York Times commented that the case had been a media sensation, ‘widely reported in real time through Twitter and cable television’ (Alvarez, 2011) and Time dubbed it ‘the first major murder trial of the social media age’ (Cloud, 2011). The interest in the case was sustained and fed by
through the carefully laid out safety nets of international culture. The Goth scene would seem to represent both gothic modes. Firstly, the scene, its style and its music are globally spread, and Goths from all over the world connect with one another via websites and social media. Secondly, as Goth self-fashions itself as the dark side of global consumer culture, it subverts the globalised commerce and media it
social media, we need to think beyond a firm presence or absence of specificity: does specificity multiply or settle, and what does it have to offer the public sphere in our mediated society? Given the recent struggles over the visibility of previously marginalized histories, and attempts to reorganize, dismantle, or reinforce monumental presence on the ground, is there a way to figure out how the ever-expanding access off-site plays into actual access to the public sphere? Can we fold these questions and