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The Manchester School, colonial and postcolonial transformations
Author: Richard Werbner

Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.

Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

The reaffirmation of US China policy, 1964–65
Michael Lumbers

W, 1 9 6 4 – 6 5 — 101 China would not have re-entered Southeast Asia in any concrete sense, and there is at least some hope that a Communist Vietnam … would be to some extent a buffer against [the] further spread of Chinese influence.”71 Yet those same officials who emphasized China’s prudence and the resilience of Vietnamese nationalism elevated the Vietnam War to a textbook case of Chinese strategy, one that sought to extend the mainland’s influence across Southeast Asia by furnishing aid and encouragement to communist insurgencies. In Vietnam, Rostow wrote

in Piercing the bamboo curtain
Fanny and Alexander in Swedish politics
Erik Hedling

eighty-six years), and the trade unions. On the other hand, there was the (albeit much smaller) ‘Anti-establishment Left’, comprised of a number of Marxist fractions which began to emerge with Sweden’s anti-Vietnam War movement in the mid-1960s. 5 By 1980, however, these latter groups had begun to lose some of their former media clout. While the Establishment Left and the Anti-establishment Left had very little sympathy for each other, some semantic problems arose from the fact that they both described themselves

in Ingmar Bergman
Duy Lap Nguyen

.18 In the Vietnam War, the worldwide operational framework for counterinsurgency established by Kennedy was largely displaced after 1963 in favor of what Hannah Arendt referred to as “image-making as global policy.”19 Thus, for McNamara, the aim of programs like the SSPL was not to establish “networks of resistance” in the North, but rather to develop a purely “notional (fictitious) Vietnamese national liberation movement.”20 Just as the war in general, then, was conceived as a public relations campaign to “convince the enemy that he could not win,” so the use of

in The unimagined community
The politics of Hmong refugee resettlement in the United States
Chia Youyee Vang

entire family.” La “will be busy with her children for some time yet,” the caseworker added. “I recommend that she get in English classes as soon as possible [so she can eventually take a job].”  1 Ka Neng and La were among the nearly 200,000 Hmong from Laos who fled following the Vietnam War. With no prior migration history to the Western hemisphere, Hmong presence in the United States is intimately tied to their ethnic group's entanglement with US military projects in Southeast Asia in the post-Second World War era

in Displacement
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Colman

Johnson’s war on poverty have either fallen into disrepute or command little support from most Americans … the spirit and some of the substance behind Johnson’s reform programmes maintain a hold on the pubic imagination that endures’. 71 Yet Johnson’s reputation remains blighted by the Vietnam War, inclining many writers to depict him as what Thomas Schwartz describes as the ‘ugly American’ – crude, provincial and lacking

in A ‘special relationship’?
Harry Blutstein

managed the system: In their defence of civilisation, the IMF played the role of policeman, prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner. Heretics were examined through a procedure that resembled an Inquisition.4 The problem was that only smaller nations were brought to heel by the IMF, while the major economies­– t­he US, Japan, United Kingdom and Germany­– ­were never subjected to any discipline. As a result, the IMF failed to deal with global imbalances caused by the US, which had become a chief debtor because its government was unwilling to fund the Vietnam War or its

in The ascent of globalisation
A lost cause?
Ashley Lavelle

noted the extraordinarily abrupt shift in sentiment within the space of just ten years after 1968 (Hirschman, 1982: 3). The same theme of defeat is repeated in the writings of Tariq Ali, who applies Christopher Hill’s Experience of Defeat approach to the numerous 1960s radicals who abandoned revolutionary politics and shifted to the right following the end of the Vietnam War, the collapse of other social movements, and capitalism’s stabilisation (Ali, 2005: ch. 11). The failure to achieve revolutionary change prompted many radicals to doubt their faith in Marxism

in The politics of betrayal