Gender Equality and Culture in Humanitarian Action1
Ricardo Fal-Dutra Santos
do not correspond to those of
Humanitarian action has historically faced opposition to the ideas it sought to
promote. For instance, in 1863, French authorities opposed the idea of an
independent body of volunteers to assist the wounded during conflict ( Hutchinson, 1996 : 32–3). The
principle of protection of civilians, core to today’s humanitarian
action, is still challenged by ‘sizeable minorities’ who continue
authority, ‘consists precisely
in the fact that the old is dying out and the new cannot be born’ ( Gramsci, 1971: 276 ). The same is true of the current
‘interregnum’, during which a struggle for meaning, narrative and reason is
constitutive of the struggle for power that will eventually give birth to ‘the
Humanitarianism has been a defining feature of liberal order. But it is not simply a pillar of
liberal ideology. Indeed, essential to any universalist politics of the human ,
its liberal character is contingent. Amid the crisis of
they do not challenge its
authority; in contrast, both the nation-state from which they come and the one to which
they want to relocate invariably question the legitimacy of asylum seekers. Her
exposition also contrasts two perspectives for the study of technology in society:
technological determinism and social determinism. She concludes this part of the book
with a call for a middle ground, in which the analysis of digital-technology use
balances the artefact’s technological properties with the
evidence and available information. Gacaca trials would take place not with evidence gathered by police and judicial authorities but through the testimonials of perpetrators, victims and bystanders during the trials. The discursive encounter in the gacaca sessions would function as the catalyst for the transitional justice process.
Overall, the changes made the gacaca courts into a judicial body guided by state law and thus imposed a specific expressive convention on the gacaca process. The design of the court system infused the gacaca assemblage with a
everyone’s responsibility’. Acceptance was
rightly understood in terms of how the organisation and its programmes were
perceived by the population and authorities. Yet ‘acceptance is founded
on effective relationships and cultivating and maintaining consent from
beneficiaries, local authorities, belligerents and other stakeholders’
( Fast and O’Neill, 2010 ).
And building such relationships requires not only time but human resources with
A Framework for Measuring Effectiveness in Humanitarian Response
Vincenzo Bollettino and Birthe Anders
clear processes for transferring humanitarian civil–military coordination back to national authorities.
a) Yes, a clear process and timeline have been identified and agreed to with national authorities.
b) There is a process in place but it is either unclear or not adhered to.
c) No transition plan or timeline have been identified.
Complex Emergencies and Natural Disasters
7. Use of foreign military assets to support humanitarian relief operations is limited in time and scale. (Select all that apply.)
a) Affected States have established clear
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Aditya Sarkar, Benjamin J. Spatz, Alex de Waal, Christopher Newton, and Daniel Maxwell
or as an element in a crime against humanity – can be utilised by
political authorities to achieve multiple objectives ( Conley and de Waal, 2019 ). These include: mass killing;
reducing the capacity of a group to mount resistance; punishment; a means of
seizing territorial control (for instance, through siege warfare as in Yemen and
Syria); flushing out a population into areas controlled by the perpetrators (in
Nigeria, making aid available only in garrison towns
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian
with the express purpose of engaging in a
dialogue on civilian protection ( Bradley,
2013 ; 2016: 162–8). By contrast, for many other agencies
dialogue is used much more, if not exclusively, as part of an acceptance
strategy to secure access for humanitarian staff and material aid ( Bradley, 2016 : 163; Collinson and Duffield, 2013 : 18).
Many humanitarian agencies occasionally criticise authorities and other actors
publicly. They may do so with
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
), obediently carried out the orders of the Vichy
government’s ‘national revolution’ and was an active partner of
the colonial authorities during the wars in Indochina and Algeria, to name a few
striking examples. The same can be said for all the other national societies, though
we should note that this is not the case for the ICRC itself, which has maintained
its neutrality to the point that it has sometimes been criticised for it ( Favez, 1999 ).
In that historical context, the Red
1990s, after an appeal for international aid due to famine. Levels of aid engagement have fluctuated and the famine ended nearly two decades ago, but humanitarian presence has endured. Some agencies and NGOs have been in the country for over twenty years. Others have ended their projects due to funding, concerns over aid being able to reach the most vulnerable and issues with monitoring ( Smith, 2002 ; Médecins Sans Frontières, 2014 ), as well as expulsion by the DPRK authorities ( Ojardias, 2013 : 61–2). South Korean NGOs require ROK government approval for aid