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Membership anniversaries and theoretical security models
James W. Peterson and Jacek Lubecki

driving many of the states in question to reach out to illiberal Russia and Asian states, especially China, for trade links and benefits. Of course, China has intruded with its economic interests into the area as well. Divergent pressures are equally strong on the region and its alliance partnerships. For example, the states have been differently impacted by the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its

in Defending Eastern Europe
Allyn Fives

least receptiveness to the actual exercise of these capacities’ (Macleod, 2003, p. 318). A second, relevant distinction is that between ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ forms of Socratic nurturing. For it is possible to value Socratic nurturing merely as a means to ensure children embrace ends deemed valuable by adults (weak Socratic nurturing). In contrast, strong Socratic nurturing is based in part on the ‘importance of expressing respect for the autonomy potential of children per se’ (ibid., p. 319). Therefore, there need be no tension between respect for illiberal ways of life

in Evaluating parental power
Julian Gruin

in late 2017, has starkly highlighted the twin faces of China’s evolving capitalism: a resiliently illiberal authoritarian political system in conjunction with increasingly market-oriented economic reform and restructuring. He has emerged as not only the most powerful Chinese leader in decades, but also 5 communists constructing capitalism the most committed ideologically to the intertwining of the CCP’s fate with that of the Chinese nation. In addition to contributing his eponymous philosophy to the CCP’s constitutional canon and embarking on a historic campaign

in Communists constructing capitalism
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Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

Europe where no fewer than fourteen high-ranking Spanish police officers and senior government officials, including the Minister of the Interior himself, were arrested and condemned for counter-terrorism wrongdoings and illiberal practices. It is also safe to say that, even a full thirty years after its last known action, the GAL remain very much alive within Spain and across the Basque country. One could even say that they went beyond enduring in collective memory, as their initiators had surely hoped it would. The 1980s GAL episode periodically

in Counter-terror by proxy
Aphra Kerr, Rebecca King-O’Riain, and Gavan Titley

of labour: job migration of Polish nationals in Ireland’, Irish Journal of Sociology, 14, 27–44. Guild, E., K. Groenendijk and S. Carrera (2009) ‘Understanding the contest of community: illiberal practices in the EU?’, in E. Guild, K. Groenendijk and S. Carrera (eds) Illiberal Liberal States? Immigration, Citizenship and Integration in the EU. Farnham: Ashgate, 1–28. Haynes, A., E. Devereux and M. Breen (2009) ‘Media, migration and public beliefs in the Republic of Ireland’, Translocations: Migration and Social Change, 5:1. Available online at www

in Migrations
Marcel H. Van Herpen

itself does not qualify as a populist regime. Although Russia shares the illiberalism of populist movements, it lacks their democratic fervor. Populism is a product of liberal democratic societies. Populists claim that “the people” are the basis of sovereignty, and they extol direct democracy and referendums and respect the alternation of power. Russia is neither a liberal, nor a democratic state. It is an authoritarian regime with a fake “democracy,” in which pluralism is absent and the alternation of power is excluded. The second reason that the creation of

in The end of populism
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

A critical openness. Drawing the lesson of the disastrous history of left apologetics over the crimes of Stalinism and Maoism, as well as more recent exercises in the same vein (some of the reaction to the crimes of 9/11, the excuse-making for suicide-terrorism, the disgraceful alliances lately set up inside the ‘anti-war’ movement with illiberal theocrats), we reject the notion that there are no opponents on the Left. We reject, similarly, the idea that there can be no opening to ideas and individuals to our right. Leftists who make common cause with, or

in The Norman Geras Reader
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Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

receptive to the enhancement of otherwise unpopular or illiberal policies, which in turn may lead to an entrenchment and normalisation of purportedly exceptional measures. Indeed, we need only look to Western responses to international terrorism since 9/11 – and episodes in that timeline such as the shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes in Stockwell Station, London on 22 July 2005 – in order to recognise that

in Everyday security threats
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Bringing it all back home
Matt Qvortrup

. This might not convince everyone, of course. “Readers may rightly ask”, a scholar wrote, “how we can justify the existence of mechanisms of direct democracy at all given the apparently regressive, xenophobic, and illiberal policies and attitudes that have been crystalized by these votes?” 2 . At first sight, and superficially, the justification for direct democratic mechanisms is not strong. But – and

in Democracy on demand
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Paul Flenley and Michael Mannin

interests of member states such as Hungary vis-à-vis Russia is not what it seems. The growing illiberal politics in countries such as Hungary and Poland has more to do with internal dynamics than any attraction of alternative norms coming from Putin’s Russia. Trade relations with Russia have long been interestbased and not pursued as a reflection of shared norms. Edward Stoddard also shows that while there may be EU-isation in terms of a common approach to the structures of energy governance, EU-isation breaks down when it comes to ‘pipeline politics’. Here and elsewhere

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood