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A genealogical study of terrorism and counter-terrorism discourses
Chin-Kuei Tsui

(or physical violence). Hence, the extremism of method (i.e., the use of violence or the threat of violence), rather than the extremism of thought, should be the primary concern of counter-terrorism practitioners. Notably, the current radicalisation and (countering) extremism discourse lacks an insightful discussion of the causes of terrorism and critical reflections on the current counter-terrorism practices conducted by Western countries, particularly their military presences and foreign international interventions, the use of drones and targeted killing

in Encountering extremism
Constituting the extremist/moderate subject
Mariela Cuadro

it. The Plan addresses global extremism by making particular reference to Islamist movements. Nonetheless, it departs from the assumption that extremism is a nation-state product, reinforcing the International Relations’ foundational cleavage (inside/outside) and, at the same time, opening up the way to international interventions within nation-states’ organisational frameworks. Indeed, the Plan points out certain socio-economic and political conditions leading to violent extremism. Among them, it highlights: ‘poor governance, violations of human rights and the

in Encountering extremism
Jean-Hervé Bradol and Marc Le Pape

without endangering the medical teams? Could the United Nations be persuaded to carry out an armed international intervention to contain the former soldiers, militia and their leaders by keeping them away from the other refugees? In October 1994, while one section no longer judged this solution to be possible, the others carried on believing in it for several months more. The camps in Tanzania were a

in Humanitarian aid, genocide and mass killings
Abstract only
The rise of cosmopolitan dystopia
Philip Cunliffe

motives of intervention will always fall within a set range. A decentralised political system constituted by the interaction of multiple, partitioned spaces of exclusive political authority will generate not only war but also ‘internationalintervention as its by-product. Politics cannot, after all, be confined within hermetically sealed containers, and will therefore spill over national boundaries. Thus, inevitably, the pursuit of some combination of national pride, self-interest, strategic advantage, self-defence and ideology will result in states penetrating other

in Cosmopolitan dystopia
Cracks in the old consensus
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

-mandated peace missions, whereas 54 per cent supported it. 56 per cent expressed support for a ‘decisive’ international intervention in ex-Yugoslavia to end the war. Allensbacher Monatsbericht, reprinted in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 11 February 1993. See statements by Günter Verheugen, Karsten D. Voigt, Rudolf Scharping, Hans-Ulrich Klose, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, and Peter Struck reprinted in Stichworte zur Sicherheitspolitik, 9/1993, pp. 13–26. SPD-Sofortprogramm, Bonn, November 1992; SPD, Perspektiven, Wiesbaden, November 1993. Ordentliche Bundesversammlung der

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Open Access (free)
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

highlighting the similarities, we are able to highlight the risk potential of the socialist legacy, most notably, of the system of ethno-federalism. A second comparison could be designed for addressing the different processes of conflict escalation in these two regions: organised violence in Yugoslavia proved to be more intense and more contagious than in the Caucasus. Organised violence in Yugoslavia has torn a country to pieces – BosniaHerzegovina – and only international intervention has put it back together 9 Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher again, albeit in a rough and

in Potentials of disorder
Abstract only
Elizabeth Dauphinée

evokes the performativity of the contributing states. As I have argued elsewhere, intervention serves as an alibi for sovereignty. See my ‘International Intervention, Discourses of Representation, and the Production of Subordinated Sovereignties’, in Kyle Grayson and Cristina Masters, eds, Theory in Practice: Critical Reflections on Global Policy (Toronto: Centre for International and Security Studies, 2003). Here, Levinas asks, ‘Can there be something as strange as an experience of the absolutely exterior . . .?’ See ‘The Trace of the Other’, Alphonso Lingis, trans

in The ethics of researching war
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen

decisions which were taken during such events (Shaw, 1996). It is a common assumption that the media play a crucial role in such situations. The phenomenon has become known as the ‘CNN effect’, which is expected to explain the course of development in a number of international crisis situations (Robinson, 1999). Among the frequently quoted examples of the CNN effect 88 EUD5 10/28/03 3:13 PM Page 89 Changing European concerns are the international intervention in Iraqi Kurdistan in the spring of 1991 and the US intervention in the Somali famine in December 1992

in EU development cooperation
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

whole people and the systematic murdering of thousands. Milosevic’s actions flew in the face of the efforts of half a century of the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union and NATO to reconcile nations, peoples, and promote human rights and tolerance.10 NATO’s action was in line with a more recent trend in history in the direction of greater international intervention on behalf of humanitarian values, as witnessed for instance in the creation of an International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague a few years earlier.11 This new

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

the assumption that the Covenant of the League [of Nations] is taken seriously. The plea that our forces are used only to maintain peace, if not hypocritical, means that we repudiate the use of force to press purely British claims … Our policy is the maintenance of peace: the pre-war policy was the pursuit of national advantage.31 The party’s attitude towards the nature of the armed forces was that a national military capability was only acceptable to the extent that it formed part of an international military force that could be used for international intervention

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1