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Nuclear danger in Soviet Cold War culture
Miriam Dobson

v 3 v Building peace, fearing the apocalypse? Nuclear danger in Soviet Cold War culture Miriam Dobson There was no Soviet equivalent of On the Beach; no Russian Bill Haley hoping he would be the only man left with ‘Thirteen Women’ when the H-bomb went off. Before the Gorbachev era, few Soviet writers and film directors portrayed human civilisation on the brink of self-destruction, as in Nevil Shute’s novel, or tried to conjure up a post-apocalyptic world. In the USSR, the first film to depict nuclear holocaust was Konstantin Lopushanskii’s 1986 The Letters of

in Understanding the imaginary war
Ken Young

came into service. In the carefully nuanced language of the nuclear alliance, US assistance, by 1958, enhanced Britain’s contribution to the joint deterrent, but not the independent British contribution – ‘a point of some political content’ in the words of the UK Air Council.1 For their part, when the US came to provide atomic weapons for carriage by the Royal Air Force, it would be under strict and elaborate conditions. The origin of that arrangement, however, had more to do with attempts to preserve an American monopoly of atomic power than to establish a

in The American bomb in Britain
John F. Kerry

set in hand an imaginative realignment in Israeli politics, and the success of Hamas in the Palestinian elections held at the end of January, had made the path to peace no easier. On what he identified as the other major threat to human security, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, he called for America’s long-delayed ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty of 1996 to be concluded. This, he argued, would send out the right signal about the country’s commitment to non-proliferation. His most immediate concern was clearly the Iranian nuclear

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
James P. Pfiffner

there was a link between Saddam Hussein, al Qaeda, and the terrorist attacks of 9/11; second, about Iraq’s nuclear weapons capacity; and third; about Saddam’s chemical and biological weapons and his ability to deliver them. The possibility that the intelligence process was politicized is also examined. Although the record at this early date is far from complete, the chapter concludes that from publicly

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Rhiannon Vickers

over defence policy and nuclear weapons. Whereas the party had been fairly acquiescent over Britain’s nuclear policy during the 1964–70 Wilson governments, once Labour lost power, its attitude changed. Resolutions passed at the 1972 and 1973 annual conferences advocated the dissolution of NATO, the closure of nuclear bases, and the rejection of a British defence policy based on the threat of the use of nuclear weapons. Over Vietnam – the issue that had caused so much division in the 1960s – the party was pretty much united. The Conservative manifesto made no mention

in The Labour Party and the world

The fate of The War Game , a radical film about the effects of nuclear weapons, provides a clear illustration of the ambiguity of government engagement with the public on nuclear deterrence policy in the context of the height of the Cold War and puts into context the inquiry that the rest of this book seeks to address. In May 1965, a fictional BBC television documentary-drama depicting the possible aftermath of a nuclear attack on Britain was completed and the initial draft shown to the Controller of BBC2

in Supreme emergency
Abstract only
French recognition and the Chinese nuclear test, 1963–64
Michael Lumbers

2 Holes in the dam French recognition and the Chinese nuclear test, 1963–64 Mounting dismay abroad over the PRC’s continued exclusion from the international community and high-level alarm over the mainland’s nuclear progress all but ensured that China would figure prominently among the several foreign policy items vying for the attention of Kennedy’s successor. Indeed, Lyndon Johnson’s first year in power coincided with a dramatic change in China’s international relationships. Both French recognition of Beijing and China’s explosion of a nuclear device exposed

in Piercing the bamboo curtain
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

’s international fisheries obligations. Target compliance decreased during the 1990s, mainly as a result of changes in the targets’ incentive structure brought about by the end of the command economy; suddenly, it became profitable for Russian fishers to cheat. At the same time, bureaucratic controversies (see next section) seriously reduced the management system’s ability to monitor and enforce regulations. In comparison with fisheries management, the nuclear safety sector is more complex both with regard to issues to be covered and actors involved. Most of the Russian nuclear

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia

Samuel Beckett and trauma is a collection of essays that opens new approaches to Beckett’s literary and theoretical work through the lens of trauma studies. Beginning with biographical and intertextual readings of instances of trauma in Beckett’s works, the essays take up performance studies, philosophical and cultural understanding of post-traumatic subjectivity, and provide new perspectives that will expand and alter current trauma studies.

Chapter 1 deals with a whole range of traumatic symptoms in Beckett’s personal experiences which find their ways into a number of his works. Chapter 2 investigates traumatic symptoms experienced by actors on stage. Chapter 3 examines the problem of unspeakability by focusing on the face which illuminates the interface between Beckett’s work and trauma theory. Chapter 4 explores the relationship between trauma and skin – a psychic skin that reveals the ‘force and truth’ of trauma, a force that disrupts the apparatus of representation. Chapter 5 considers trauma caused by a bodily defect such as tinnitus. Chapter 6 focuses on the historically specific psychological structure in which a wounded subject is compelled to stick to ordinary life in the aftermath of some traumatic calamity. Chapter 7 provides a new way of looking at birth trauma by using the term as ‘creaturely life’ that is seen in the recent biopolitical discourses. Chapter 8 speculates on how Beckett’s post-war plays, responding to the nuclear age’s global trauma, resonate with ethical and philosophical thoughts of today’s post-Cold War era.

Abstract only
Terry Macintyre

Conclusion T he years between 1964 and 1970 are often considered as a period crucial in British post-war history, as a period when Britain faced the consequences of the loss of Empire and of increasing international economic competition. For the Labour governments under Harold Wilson, the challenges were immense: managing an economy beset by serious balance of payments problems, with all the implications this held for Britain’s world position; preserving Britain’s nuclear status, after intimating that it should be abandoned and, at the same time, preventing the

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70