, Performance Theory (London: Routledge, 2003),
21 Manfred Pfister, The Theory and Analysis of Drama, trans. John
Halliday (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 7.
22 Pfister, Theory and Analysis, p. 7.
23 Lawrence Sullivan, ‘Sound and senses: towards a hermeneutics of
performance’, History of Religion, 26 (1986), 1–33, p. 8.
24 Evan M. Zuesse, ‘Ritual’, in Eliade (ed.), Encyclopedia, pp. 405–22,
25 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven
Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 117.
Female actors, impersonation, and cultural transmission
gain; ‘impersonation’, as a form of enteringinto, is a more apt term for my findings.14 Women assumed the
Joan role in ways that impressed meanings onto their bodies that
could be stored and shared. Ultimately, the Pucelle scenario models
the ways that female performance could be iterative and productive,
yet remain invisible to traditional approaches. It creates an opportunity both to access the performancehistories of non-elite women
and to position them within late medieval culture more broadly.
Female performers: a historiography of impostors and saints
Though the Mercury Theatre
Caesar created ripples through the play’s subsequent
performancehistory which are difficult to map precisely, it played a
more direct hand in generating what is generally acknowledged to be the
play’s best filmic incarnation. The links between the two
productions are arguable and have sometimes been overstated, but they
have one clear
screenplay on the script of her stage production, but she further reduced the number of
lines and enhanced her most distinctive staging choice derived from Howell: the decision to
employ the son of Lucius as an observer of Rome’s cruelty. At the end of the film,
Young Lucius ultimately matures into an active opponent of violent revenge.
Taymor’s stage production and film also incorporated aspects of the
other two lines of descent in the performancehistory of Titus Andronicus . Like
Deborah Warner, Taymor took full
Gerusalemme liberata and the early development of opera in England
John Dennis, Rinaldo and Armida: A
Tragedy (London, 1699), sig. Aiii r .
See Lois Rosow, ‘Lully’s
Armide at the Paris Opera: a performancehistory,
1686– 1766’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, Brandeis
University, 1981), pp. 221
Nineteenth-century Manchester theatre architecture and the urban spectator
inscribed on the streets,
as is the subversion of that ambition by less reputable theatre establishments.
Manchester, like many other British provincial cities and towns, has a rich
performancehistory, professional and amateur, commercial and subsidised,
popular and radical, street- and building-based, dating back to the mid-1700s.24
The city’s first permanent theatres were built between 1753 and 1845, scattered
across what was then a town centre – the Marsden Street theatre (1743–75); the
first Theatre Royal at the junction of York Street and Spring Gardens (1775
Liliana Felipe from Mexico City, with whose input they completed
the final version of the play Afuera (Cañénguez, 2015). Rodríguez and
Felipe are known both for their lesbian-feminist performance activism and for their long-standing engagement with current political
themes pertaining to the Latin American continent.
The choice of working as a collective has a well-known heritage
in Latin American experimental theatre and performancehistory.
The tradition of autonomous theatre collectives (creación colectiva) is
often traced to the influence of the new theatre
It is clear that with their constant interest in outreach and support
of the work of all suffrage societies, the AFL’s Woman’s Theatre project
intended to have a national stage. Jacky Bratton’s work on mapping the
West End performancehistory of the late Victorian period sees theatrical
clubs and the traditional male spaces for professional networking as ‘the
matrix of working practice’ and shows that women’s exclusion from these
spaces meant it was more difficult for them to be part of the creation of
wealth or have frequent and relatively informal access to
reality required for the poetic drama is not
a poor imitation of the tone and manners of actual life, but the genuine
utterance of imagination and feeling apart from all accidental and conventional restrictions.55
Despite the success of the drama, there were no further working collaborations between playwright and actress.
Seaman’s and Marriott’s performancehistories illustrate another
successful repertoire strategy that did not involve new writing. Each
invariably enacted Shakespeare’s Hamlet at some point in their touring
engagements. Often the tragedy formed part
more likely to represent, to borrow a phrase, the people who have their dinner in the middle of the day. The urban/rural divide is still very much in evidence in the success of Killinaskully – a programme that is said to quieten some rural pubs quicker than the sound of an approaching Garda car at 2am. (Hegarty, 2008 )
Figure 16 Pat Shortt and Conor Ryan in Garage
In overseas territories, therefore, Shortt’s performancehistory was meaningless as Killinaskully did not export, but it carried interesting local