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Laura Varnam

, Performance Theory (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 127. 21 Manfred Pfister, The Theory and Analysis of Drama, trans. John Halliday (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 7. 22 Pfister, Theory and Analysis, p. 7. 23 Lawrence Sullivan, ‘Sound and senses: towards a hermeneutics of performance’, History of Religion, 26 (1986), 1–33, p. 8. 24 Evan M. Zuesse, ‘Ritual’, in Eliade (ed.), Encyclopedia, pp. 405–22, p. 406. 25 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 117. 26 Durandus

in The church as sacred space in Middle English literature and culture
Female actors, impersonation, and cultural transmission
Susannah Crowder

gain; ‘impersonation’, as a form of enteringinto, is a more apt term for my findings.14 Women assumed the Joan role in ways that impressed meanings onto their bodies that could be stored and shared. Ultimately, the Pucelle scenario models the ways that female performance could be iterative and productive, yet remain invisible to traditional approaches. It creates an opportunity both to access the performance histories of non-elite women and to position them within late medieval culture more broadly. Female performers: a historiography of impostors and saints From

in Performing women
Mankiewicz (1953)
Andrew James Hartley

Though the Mercury Theatre Caesar created ripples through the play’s subsequent performance history which are difficult to map precisely, it played a more direct hand in generating what is generally acknowledged to be the play’s best filmic incarnation. The links between the two productions are arguable and have sometimes been overstated, but they have one clear

in Julius Caesar
Abstract only
1994 and 1999
Michael D. Friedman and Alan Dessen

screenplay on the script of her stage production, but she further reduced the number of lines and enhanced her most distinctive staging choice derived from Howell: the decision to employ the son of Lucius as an observer of Rome’s cruelty. At the end of the film, Young Lucius ultimately matures into an active opponent of violent revenge. Taymor’s stage production and film also incorporated aspects of the other two lines of descent in the performance history of Titus Andronicus . Like Deborah Warner, Taymor took full

in Titus Andronicus
Gerusalemme liberata and the early development of opera in England
Jason Lawrence

. 12 John Dennis, Rinaldo and Armida: A Tragedy (London, 1699), sig. Aiii r . 13 See Lois Rosow, ‘Lully’s Armide at the Paris Opera: a performance history, 1686– 1766’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, Brandeis University, 1981), pp. 221

in Tasso’s art and afterlives
Nineteenth-century Manchester theatre architecture and the urban spectator
Viv Gardner

inscribed on the streets, as is the subversion of that ambition by less reputable theatre establishments. Manchester, like many other British provincial cities and towns, has a rich performance history, professional and amateur, commercial and subsidised, popular and radical, street- and building-based, dating back to the mid-1700s.24 The city’s first permanent theatres were built between 1753 and 1845, scattered across what was then a town centre – the Marsden Street theatre (1743–75); the first Theatre Royal at the junction of York Street and Spring Gardens (1775

in Culture in Manchester
Sruti Bala

-songwriter partner Liliana Felipe from Mexico City, with whose input they completed the final version of the play Afuera (Cañénguez, 2015). Rodríguez and Felipe are known both for their lesbian-feminist performance activism and for their long-standing engagement with current political themes pertaining to the Latin American continent. The choice of working as a collective has a well-known heritage in Latin American experimental theatre and performance history. The tradition of autonomous theatre collectives (creación colectiva) is often traced to the influence of the new theatre

in The gestures of participatory art
Abstract only
Naomi Paxton

country.34 It is clear that with their constant interest in outreach and support of the work of all suffrage societies, the AFL’s Woman’s Theatre project intended to have a national stage. Jacky Bratton’s work on mapping the West End performance history of the late Victorian period sees theatrical clubs and the traditional male spaces for professional networking as ‘the matrix of working practice’ and shows that women’s exclusion from these spaces meant it was more difficult for them to be part of the creation of wealth or have frequent and relatively informal access to

in Stage Rights!
Abstract only
Janice Norwood

reality required for the poetic drama is not a poor imitation of the tone and manners of actual life, but the genuine utterance of imagination and feeling apart from all accidental and conventional restrictions.55 Despite the success of the drama, there were no further working collaborations between playwright and actress. Seaman’s and Marriott’s performance histories illustrate another successful repertoire strategy that did not involve new writing. Each invariably enacted Shakespeare’s Hamlet at some point in their touring engagements. Often the tragedy formed part

in Victorian touring actresses
Ruth Barton

more likely to represent, to borrow a phrase, the people who have their dinner in the middle of the day. The urban/rural divide is still very much in evidence in the success of Killinaskully – a programme that is said to quieten some rural pubs quicker than the sound of an approaching Garda car at 2am. (Hegarty, 2008 ) Figure 16 Pat Shortt and Conor Ryan in Garage In overseas territories, therefore, Shortt’s performance history was meaningless as Killinaskully did not export, but it carried interesting local

in Irish cinema in the twenty-first century