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The houses of Alba, Franco and Bourbon
Duncan Wheeler

for what she considered to be gauche imposters. The roll-call of European nobility who attended her 1947 marriage to the Duke of Sotomayor’s son was absent from the 1950 wedding of Franco’s daughter, Carmen, to playboy doctor, Cristóbal Martínez Bordiú – awarded the title of Marquis of Villaverde – even if the ‘wedding itself was on a level of extravagance that would have taxed any European royal family’. 3 Readers developed a taste for such displays; the 1959 marriage of the Shah of Iran to third wife Farah Diba – wearing a Yves Sant Laurent dress and a tiara by

in Following Franco
Open Access (free)
An allegory of imperial rapport
Deirdre Gilfedder

establishment of what has long been termed in Australia, a ‘bunyip aristocracy’. 2 It also revealed the complexity of an entirely independent Australia’s relationship to the British monarchy. This return to royal honours comes in the wake of a series of mediated public relations ‘successes’ for the British royal family in the twenty-first century. In Britain the wedding of Prince William and Kate Middleton, the

in The British monarchy on screen
Steve Poole

Council or the Secretary of State, provided a court pronounced them insane. The Vagrancy Act was also amended to allow magistrates to order the confinement of lunatic vagrants beyond the period in which they appeared ‘dangerous to be abroad’. Suspected lunatics could now be detained for far longer without trial provided two justices found ‘a purpose of committing an indictable offence’ and, if the offence involved the security of the royal family, central government money could be applied to meet the cost.9 The ‘Hadfield Act’ is usually subjected to a Whiggish

in The politics of regicide in England, 1760–1850
Abstract only
James Doelman

fashion. I have considered those on Prince Frederick Henry of the Palatine (whom the elegies treated largely through his connection with the British royal family). Of the others, by far the greatest number were on the Protestant hero King Gustavus Adolphus, who died in 1632 at the height of his military success. At least forty-one English poems lamenting his death survive, a number surpassed only by those on Prince Henry. However

in The daring muse of the early Stuart funeral elegy
Bill Jones

‘efficient’ Walter Bagehot, the most famous authority on the British constitution, made a distinction in the nineteenth century between those aspects which were ‘dignified’ – those that had a mostly ceremonial function, like the monarchy, Privy Council and, to a degree, the House of Lords – and the ‘efficient’ or ‘working’ aspects – like the Commons, departments of state and the law courts. (Moran, 2005, p. 71, points out that ‘dignified’ is not precisely the correct word to describe some of the behaviour of the Royal Family in recent decades.) Parliamentary

in British politics today
Abstract only
Robert Aldrich

and Phan Chu Trinh) and the menalamba insurrection in Madagascar, summoned supporters to rally round the monarchy and restore the powers of the throne usurped by foreigners. Nationalists later demanded the release and reinstatement of the Ashanti and Zulu kings, and several other exiles. Renegade members of royal families promoted themselves as candidates for thrones, and pretenders with few if any familial claims

in Banished potentates
Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

British society. The general acquiescence by followers of racing in its inequality and snobbery may have helped them acquiesce in society’s wider inequalities, ensuring that gentlemanliness remained embedded in normative models of Britishness. The popular and racing press, as we have seen, only rarely attacked racing’s ruling bodies. Crowds at race-meetings were shown as having a sense of 207 208 Horseracing and the British, 1919–39 tradition and history and as sharing in the delight of the Aga Khan, Lord Derby or the royal family at their successes. The doings of

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Abstract only
Anne Byrne

nobility, as we can see from the sharp decline in monarchical travel over the preceding two centuries and in the bizarre ­preparations – ­the building of a bespoke carriage ‘fit for a king’ – for the royal family’s attempted escape. Having created a universe of luxury, it proved inescapable since the sheer expense of recreating that environment was prohibitive. The extent to which this was a real problem for the monarchy is a fascinating question. Subsequent experiences might be taken to suggest that a more tangible royal presence in various parts of the kingdom could

in Death and the crown
Abstract only
Edward Vallance

occasion of her Diamond Jubilee, attempting to represent the incredibly varied communities of the late nineteenth-century British empire, from the ‘Society of Ancient Britons’ to the Malay Royal Family. 8 Within Britain at least, discordant voices in 1897 were rare: England and Scotland appeared unified in their declaration of loyalty to Queen Victoria. In contrast, during the political turbulence of the seventeenth century the ‘sense of the people’, as Defoe would later put it, was much harder to discern. This offers a

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
Robert Aldrich and Cindy McCreery

Monarchies and Decolonisation in Asia is the third volume we have edited for Manchester University Press’s ‘Studies in Imperialism’ series around the previously understudied theme of monarchy – the institution of the crown, the activities of individual sovereigns and other members of royal families, and the culture of royalty – in colonial contexts. The chapters in Crowns and Colonies revealed some of the ways European and non-European monarchies came into contact around the world in the colonial age, particularly at the time that imperial powers were

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia