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9 Understanding the Irish state’s approach Nearly every country in the world has asserted ownership over the hydrocarbons within its territory (Easo, 2009) and Ireland is no different. Ireland’s approach to resource management, however, is dissimilar to many other countries with outcomes that include the transfer of ownership and control of state resources to private interests and one of the lowest rates of government take in the world. The Irish model has also resulted in a prolonged conflict which has engulfed the lives of many people for over a decade. In
Voluntary action in the ‘welfare state’ 6 Voluntary action in the ‘welfare state’: the National Council for the Unmarried Mother and Her Child Pat Thane Michael Rose made a distinguished contribution to the historiography of the English Poor Law in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Poor Law was the only publicly provided form of ‘welfare’ in Britain between the early sixteenth century and the mid-twentieth century. Later in his career he became interested in the modern history of the voluntary sector, particularly the settlement movement, and
6 Global trends in state resource management To understand how and why the Irish state adopted its particular approach to the management of its gas and oil, it is helpful to situate its emergence in a global context, particularly considering the impact of some international occurrences on Ireland’s regime. This chapter documents the evolution of the petroleum industry, illuminating economic, political, social and ideological factors internal and external to states which have resulted in distinctive approaches to hydrocarbon management. The early days of the
M1634 - HAYWARD TEXT.qxp:ANDY Q7 27/1/09 13:23 Page 92 5 Building the Irish nation-state, 1922–72 The initial focus of official nationalism in the Irish Free State was on the activity of nation-building. ‘Nation-building’ refers here to the process by which the governmental elite seek to construct a sense of popular affinity and collective identification with the state as the representation of the identity of the historical and cultural nation. The core purpose of this process was to unite the nation behind the new state. This necessarily involved the
3 The classic balance of power, 1648–1814 Power politics and small state survival: the classic balance of power, 1648–1814 Elle [la politique] maintient l’Europe indépendante et libre. [Frederic the Great]1 How safe was the largely unbridled balance of power of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for the small state? This chapter will show that the balance-of-power system was in fact rather accommodating and allowed small states to survive in historically large numbers. Moreover, small state death was measured and gradual only. In short, the loose and
6 The story of small state survival: past, present, and future Over more than three-and-a-half centuries, the fate of small states has depended primarily on the states system. Since the Peace of Westphalia, the starting point for this study, the survival rate of small states has been shaped largely by the international political environment of the time. Small state survival, understood as the net outcome of state creation and state existence minus state termination, is historically determined to a large extent by the overall systemic structure. In short, small
4 An empirical analysis of the vice presidential home state advantage (state-level data) The perception of a vice presidential home state advantage (HSA) is alive and well in contemporary American politics. But is it a reality? Do vice presidential candidates enjoy an electoral advantage in their home state, after all? How does one measure the vice presidential HSA, anyway? How big (or small) is it, on average? And does the advantage apply to all vice presidential candidates in equal measure, or does it vary depending on candidate and state characteristics? If
T HE CHANGING MACROPOLITICAL landscape brought in its wake both continuities and discontinuities in the normative basis of intra-state peacekeeping, which we will closely examine in the context of four detailed case studies. Each case study in the following chapters will of necessity be handled in its ‘own’ time, in seemingly static fashion. This chapter will
9 The ‘crisis of penetration’ of the State Historians differ: was it a weak State or an oppressive State? In 1973 Juan Linz, the pioneering scholar of Spanish nationalism, identified the essential problem of the State in the nineteenth century as one of a ‘crisis of penetration’. According to Linz, the Spanish State was unable to influence society either by means of its educational institutions or else by creating symbols that were acceptable to the majority of its citizens. In the early 1980s, José María Jover put forward a similar theory, which has been
W IDESPREAD INTRA-STATE CONFLICT is not a new phenomenon. Its rise to the centre of attention in international policy circles is. UN involvement in intra-state conflicts is not new either. What is new is the increasing systematisation of UN involvement in conflict-torn societies. It is these two novelties of the post-Cold War world that shape the main concerns of this study. What is problematised