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immigrants from the New Commonwealth to Britain in the 1950s and early 1960s, in particular from the West Indies, India and Pakistan, straining the housing and social welfare services and creating social and racial tensions. 13 Britain’s transition from a diehard imperialist power to a power that attempted to increasingly distance itself from imperial legacies in the post-war period, together with
masses and urban poor with the state and its institutions. At the same time, urban centres in Punjab, especially Lahore, witnessed the decline of the traditional middle-class, which had embraced the state-sponsored vision of modernity. This traditional middle-class had arisen in the 1950s and 1960s through modern educational institutions, and gained state employment. They were, thus, linked with urbane nationalist visions discussed above. They were increasingly replaced in the 1980s by a new middle-class that consisted of second-generation migrants from smaller towns
toward independence, and would pre-emptively seize Hong Kong – in other words, continued British rule in Hong Kong precluded democratisation; and third, that if elections were introduced, the conflict between Communists and Nationalists would dominate Hong Kong politics, making Hong Kong ungovernable. 6 The decision not to introduce democratic reform was made easier by the fact that until the late 1960s
across the UK during June 2020 were a response to the long histories of white supremacy and racialised violence which Black and minority ethnic communities in Britain have endured both before, during and since formal ‘decolonisation’ in the 1960s. 52 The BLM movement provided the social momentum to name and challenge the oppressive system under which they have been living. However, these protests also resulted in
petitions, organising signature campaigns and writing to newspaper editors, were predominantly used. These forms of political communication were fundamentally liberal but underpinning this civil action was a collective memory of ‘civil disturbance’ of the 1960s. However, on the margins, radical groups and radicalised individuals organised rallies and sit-ins to confront the colonial state directly. There
. Illegal immigration became a serious issue in Hong Kong from the late 1960s because it strained the colony’s under-developed housing stock and welfare and education systems. Agnes Ku has argued that the colonial government’s shift from ‘a policy of tolerant acceptance’ to exclusionary immigration practices – such as the introduction of ‘Hong Kong belonger’ as an immigration category, the
this context, opposition to government oppression was often (although not exclusively) articulated through a religious discourse, as most recently expressed during the Arab Winter of 2012 and subsequently. These events led to the development of a form of postcolonial Arab nationalism that had no place in its conception of the Arab Nation for the very few Jews that remained in the Middle East and North Africa in the 1960s and 1970s. 164 Clearly, the consequences of partition in India and Palestine in 1947 continue to
India, Government of India, at https://main.sci.gov.in/supremecourt/2010/36350/36350_2010_1_1502_18205_Judgement_09-Nov-2019.pdf (accessed 25 November 2019). 8 The Indian Constitution calls for the separation of the judiciary and the executive. However, in the 1960s, Attorney General M. C. Setelvad complained that many members of the judiciary kept an eye on post-retirement political positions while they
labour and production. The Gezira scheme grew in size and importance from the beginning. In 1921, the irrigated lands encompassed only 21,000 feddans, but by 1925, this had grown to 240,000 to mark the official inception of the scheme. By 1938, it had grown to 865,000 feddans, maxing out at around 2 million feddans by the 1960s. 23 Originally, the British expected that most of the
maze of individuals who controlled the sinews of power in 1960s Britain – from politics to business, industry, education, finance, the media and the military – furnished a portrait of collective delusion on a nationwide scale. Everywhere he looked, he encountered a ‘discrepancy between Britain as she liked to appear, and Britain as she is’; a ruling caste, caught between the obsolete monuments to ‘an