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Biological metaphors in the age of European decolonization
Elizabeth Buettner

Looking forward to a time when French rule would no longer plague its most valued North African territory, Frantz Fanon wrote in 1957 that ‘The independence of Algeria is not only the end of colonialism, but the disappearance, in this part of the world, of a gangrene germ and of a source of epidemic.’ 1 Nor was he the first nationalist to equate European

in Rhetorics of empire
Abstract only
Carrie Tarr

The body of films discussed in this book, the products of beur, banlieue and Algerian filmmaking in France, constitute a challenging intervention to narratives of nation in contemporary French cinema. Pursuing a specifically French problematic, the place within French society of France’s postcolonial ethnic others, they construct very different images of France from those which have conventionally dominated France’s cinema exports. Thanks

in Reframing difference
London River and Des hommes et des dieux
Gemma King

Rachid Bouchareb’s London River, and the Mediterranean Sea for Xavier Beauvois’s Des hommes et des dieux. London River is set almost completely in London, yet the role of French in the film is crucial and complex. Meanwhile, Des hommes et des dieux weaves French and Arabic together in a rural Algerian village. Each of these films teases out the links and disconnects between language and nation in innovative ways. In London River, the French language is important, but is used neither as a mother tongue, nor as representative of the French culture and nation. Instead

in Decentring France
Claire Eldridge

state initiated a pattern of collectivisation, isolation and exceptional treatment that would continue for years, even decades. In contrast to the vocal mobilisation the sounds of silence 71 undertaken by members of the European rapatrié community, the reaction of harkis to this process was to turn inwards and seek refuge in silence. This left a space into which stepped a series of actors, including the French and Algerian governments, Muslim elites, French veterans, and rapatrié activists, all of whom offered their own representations of the harkis. Collectively

in From empire to exile
Bryan Cheyette

74 Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks 4 Frantz Fanon and the Black-Jewish imaginary1 BRYAN CHEYETTE In his posthumously published essays on the Algerian revolution, L’An V de la révolution algérienne (1959), Frantz Fanon characterises Algerian Jewry, which made up ‘le cinquième de la population non musulmane d’Algérie‘ (‘one-fifth of the nonMoslem population of Algeria’) (Fanon 2001: 142; Fanon 1989: 153), as containing three distinct strands. First, ‘les commerçants juifs’ (‘Jewish tradesmen’) who are mainly invested in French rule and therefore do not

in Frantz Fanon’s 'Black Skin, White Masks
Lynn Anthony Higgins

of the others in the series. In 1988 came Lyon, le regard intérieur , also a television commission. Then La Guerre sans nom , distributed to movie-houses in 1992, was composed of four hours of interviews with Algerian war veterans. Another work for television, De l’autre côté du Périph’ was shot hastily in 1997 in a housing project outside Paris, in immediate response to current debates surrounding immigration and integration. Similarly indignant and timely, Histoires de vies brisées: Les “Double-Peine” de Lyon

in Bertrand Tavernier
Gerasimos Gerasimos

emigration and the economic urge to embrace it. The chapter aims to unpack this dimension of Middle East states’ migration diplomacy further by shedding additional light on the state–diaspora relations as they have developed across North Africa. The examples of Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt demonstrate how states are torn between ‘controlling’ and ‘courting’ their diasporas residing in Europe and North America. Regime security considerations have led the first four states to develop intricate control mechanisms that aim to prevent political activism abroad

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa
Francesco Cavatorta

system from authoritarianism to democracy have to 10 the international dimension of the algerian transition rely on a number of pre-existing conditions in order to start their transition is still quite widespread. These prerequisites include a vibrant civil society, a specific level of economic development, an uncontested national unity, and/or a range of satisfactory social and economic indicators such as per capita income or rate of urbanisation. The first condition for a successful transition is held to be ‘national unity’. Sadiki (2002: 497–8) argues that ‘the

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Kathryn Nash

African states and largely did not get involved in conflicts that were internal or even gross human rights abuses. The exception to this rule was when an internal conflict reached such a magnitude that it was attracting international attention and thus potentially outside interference. Border clashes between Morocco and Algeria The first of many border issues to arise after the creation of the OAU was between Morocco and Algeria. The border between Algeria and Morocco had never been clearly defined. Prior to French colonization the areas that would become Algeria

in African peace
Coinciding locales of refuge among Sahrawi refugees in North Africa
Konstantina Isidoros

in on one group of Sahrawi refugee camps in North Africa where large agglomerations of both refugees and humanitarian ‘aid’ workers/volunteers come face to face. On the Algerian desert border, following a frozen Spanish de-colonisation due to the Moroccan invasion of two-thirds of the ‘Spanish Sahara’ territory (now called the Western Sahara) between the 1960s and 1970s, the Sahrawi have been employing international law and human rights alongside their traditional desert nomadic encampments to construct their nascent nation-state. Due to Morocco's breach of

in Displacement