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Irish diaspora studies and women: theories, concepts and new perspectives
D. A. J. MacPherson and Mary J. Hickman

since the famine. Daly considers the gendered nature of migration and the role women played in the construction of diasporic identities, through their work in the home, in the Catholic Church and in the underresearched arena of ethnic political organisations, suggesting many directions for future research. Focusing in particular on the migrant decision, Daly indicates important ways in which the Irish diaspora can be seen as gendered. Moreover, she argues that women’s role in the articulation of diasporic identities could be fruitfully explored if scholars paid

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Bryan Fanning

emigrant Irish living in the United States (the Fenians). During the 1880s, political agitation focused successfully on land reform (the Land League). The second half of the nineteenth century also saw a huge rise in the influence of the Catholic Church, which emerged as the main provider of education and social services. By the end of the nineteenth century the Catholic peasantry had become a mostly conservative land-owning class. The dominant Catholic political movement, the Irish Parliamentary Party, focused on achieving home rule through alliances with the Liberal

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Politics, values, and in/exclusionary practices in assisted reproduction
Izabella Main

their bodies) ‘leave the nation’ to reside in an another country. The subsequent parts of the chapter comprise a discussion, based on fieldwork, of how easy or difficult it is access to ARTs abroad, how migrating Polish women think about reproduction in cases of ARTs, and whether they are aware of and influenced by the discourse on moral governmentality promoted by the Catholic church in Poland (Mishtal 2015 : 13). Overall, women have more reproductive choices and rights in most other European countries than in Poland. For example, access to

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Between the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Letters
Aurélien Girard and Giovanni Pizzorusso

examines the Chambers_O’Connor_Printer.indd 174 08/09/2017 09:53 THE MARONITE COLLEGE IN EARLY MODERN ROME 175 college’s network of European connections in order to understand the activities of the Maronite diaspora especially, as Pierre Raphaël has already underlined, the role of its alumni in the international Republic of Letters. From missionaries in Mount Lebanon to young Maronites in Rome After the Council of Trent, and especially during the pontificate of Gregory XIII (1572–1585), the Roman Catholic Church, partly in response to the reformers, mounted a

in College communities abroad
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John Privilege

2 Land and politics The Land War The upsurge in political violence after 1879 posed a series of complex problems for the Catholic Church in Ireland. The nature of violence, its scope and scale, and its origin all presented challenges which were in many ways new. The violent protest associated with the land question after 1879 heralded, or was symptomatic of, sweeping political change. Previously, it was quite often simply a matter of condemnation for the Church. Insurrection, such as the Fenian revolt, could be dismissed as the work of a small group of

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
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John Privilege

accepted Catholics. It also taught the classics which Logue’s parents thought essential if, as they seemed determined to ensure, their boy was to become a priest.1 He maintained a high academic performance and was transferred to a boarding school in Buncrana in preparation for the Maynooth entrance exam in 1857. Logue 2 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland took the test a year early at the age of seventeen. Despite being the youngest candidate, he achieved first place and was accepted into the seminary. The result was by no means certain as parents of other

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Official responses to infanticide
Moira Maguire

tendency of judges to commit female offenders to magdalen asylums rather than prison, facilitated the church’s efforts to exert complete and unchallenged authority over a select group of problematic women in ways that otherwise would have been beyond its reach.24 It would not be unreasonable, then, to suggest that underpinning the Catholic Church’s “sanctify of life” rhetoric was less a concern for the fate of children, than a desire to control female sexuality. The reaction of Catholic writers to infanticide represented a mixture of theology and pragmatism that

in Precarious childhood in post-independence Ireland
Michael Carter-Sinclair

. Even after moves to suppress the Nazis and the Socialists, activists from both groups remained a presence, as when Father Lojka, in Weinhaus, recorded clashes between them on the streets of his parish in 1934. 19 The government pressed ahead in producing a new constitution for Austria, but it had won neither the hearts nor the minds of a majority of Austrians, and the search for legitimacy that had faced Austria since the end of the First World War continued. 20 Yet senior figures in the Catholic Church continued to contribute to the myth that a new Vienna, a new

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Communism, post-Communism, and the war in Croatia
David Bruce MacDonald

atrocities. The purpose behind this onslaught of subjective and emotive propaganda was clear – it buttressed Serbian arguments that the war was forced on the Serbian people. The Serbian Orthodox Church and its parishioners had been brought to the ‘verge of annihilation’.81 That this work appeared in 1994, after countless attacks on the Serbs in the international press for their destruction of Catholic churches and mosques, was no coincidence. Obviously Serbian churches were destroyed; but such one-sided portrayals were mirror images of Croatian publications. This even

in Balkan holocausts?
Christine Kinealy

chief negotiator for Old Ireland, oscillated, intermittently threatening to resign if such a union took place.126 At one point, the Nation suggested that if John O’Connell had scruples about joining the League, he should retire from the Repeal Association.127 Many Old Irelanders, possibly out of residual loyalty to his father, felt that O’Connell should be allowed to make the final decision.128 The Catholic Church hierarchy was also divided on the question of the Irish League, with Archbishop Murray of Dublin stipulating that chapels were not to be used for public

in Repeal and revolution