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Patrick Collinson

made out the conforming Princess Elizabeth to have been a kind of martyr.63 There is, at root, a semantic problem here. What might and should we mean by ‘Catholics’?64 John Bossy presented a sophisticated, less confessional and more sociological account of the English Catholic community.65 But that very phrase, ‘the Catholic community’, and Bossy’s characterisation of Catholicism as the first of the post-Reformation non-conformities, continued to leave out of account a plurality of Catholic communities of different sorts, and Catholics of no community, except that

in This England
David Coast

contents ‘quickly ran through Court and city, and will fly through the kingdom’.42 The best policy under such circumstances was for James to keep the contents of his correspondence with Charles and Buckingham almost entirely to himself. James was particularly anxious to suppress news of the toleration of English Catholics that the Spanish negotiators were demanding. During the summer of 1622, James had suspended penal laws against Catholics, and had issued directions to preachers which ordered them to avoid contentious topics. While he was willing to allow a de facto

in News and rumour in Jacobean England
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The discernment of angels
Anne Sweeney

in the Catholic enterprise of England. Sent down the hill to teach in the English College, he arrived just before the celebrated English mission of Robert Persons and Edmund Campion collapsed, as new cracks were appearing in the increasingly frail English Catholic ship. The energetic and strategically minded Persons had clashed with a Jesuit co-missioner, Jasper Heywood, an Oxford

in Robert Southwell
Carol Engelhardt Herringer

shaped by two key debates in Victorian England – those over religion and gender norms – scholars have paid little attention to these evolving and competing representations as sources of information about Victorian culture. Studies of Roman Catholicism and Anglo-Catholicism have not considered them as a way of investigating either devotional practices or how English Catholics shaped their religious and national identities. Mary Heimann’s excellent revisionist work Catholic devotion in Victorian England16 gives little attention to the role of Marian devotion in shaping a

in Victorians and the Virgin Mary
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Daniel Szechi

Berwick, Thomas Theodorus Deacon, Thomas Chadwick, James Dawson, Andrew Blyde, Donald Macdonald Esq, the Rev. Mr Thomas Coppoch, the Rev. Mr Robert Lyon, Edmund Clavering, John Hamilton Esq, James Bradshaw, Alexander Leith, and Andrew Wood (Edinburgh, 1750), p. 13. See also the last speeches of Sir John Ashton and Archibald Cameron in the Illustrative documents. 22 John Bossy, The English Catholic Community 1570–1850 (London, 1976), pp. 172–81. 23 Miller, James II , p. 153; Ó Ciardha, Ireland and the Jacobite Cause , p. 23; John Watts, Hugh

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Clarendon, Cressy and Hobbes, and the past, present and future of the Church of England
Paul Seaward

, and (indirectly at least) with 216 217 Clarendon, Cressy and Hobbes the papacy in 1658/​59 involved a cautious commitment to remove the persecution of Catholics.59 Although (given their lack of success) they created no obligation to act after the Restoration, Charles II’s wish to assist English Catholics resulted in a series of discussions in 1660 and 1661, which broke down for reasons that are still obscure. In Religion and Policy Clarendon explained that the Jesuits had prevented the Catholic community from agreeing to reject the authority of the Pope in

in From Republic to Restoration
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Carol Engelhardt Herringer

The Virgin Mary 49 of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary: With the Litany of Loretto, and Other Devotions (1849), by the convert-­priest Willia Lockhart (1819–92).22 Although English Catholics were generally more moderate in their devotions than their continental counterparts, they could also purchase translations of continental devotional works, such as the Raccolta, and they could use works such as Faber’s The Devout Child of Mary: A Novena in Honour of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary (1852) to say Novenas, nine days of prayers for specific intentions. While Anglicans

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
David Geiringer

behaviour and beliefs. However, the intention of the project was never to classify the beliefs of individual women along class or any other lines in a manner akin to that of Hornsby-Smith. A comprehensive commentary on the variations between groupings such as ‘cradle Catholics’ and converts, Irish immigrants and English Catholics has been attempted before. 7 The way these variants shaped Catholic

in The Pope and the pill
G. M. Ditchfield

‘Protesting Catholic Dissenters’ to promote their claims for toleration in the late 1780s.17 There was still an echo of this invocation of a sense of national, rather than universal, identity in the petition to parliament of the English Catholics on 4 March 1819; they described themselves as ‘British Roman Catholics’.18 A second problem concerns the status of foreign Protestants who were or who became subjects of the King of Great Britain. There was no national consensus as to the identity of ‘the other’. Resentment at William III’s favours to his Dutch adherents led

in Parliaments, nations and identities in Britain and Ireland, 1660–1850
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Labouring families before the Famine
John Herson

Prestwich in 1883.7 John and Eliza Kearns depended on occupations at the margins of the economy, but Eliza had aspirations and the family managed to achieve a modest respectability with their children showing clear evidence of upward social mobility. The evidence suggests they grew up in an English Catholic environment in which their often-absent father’s Irish identity had little significance. Descendants of the family consistently married non-Irish people and the family’s Irish heritage was rapidly diluted. Their trajectory contrasts markedly with that of Farrell and

in Divergent paths