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Neil McNaughton

logical place to begin a review of modern education in Britain has to be the passage of the 1944 Education Act. This should be seen as part of the process of re-building post-war Britain, a task which was the subject of much agreement between the political parties. It was sponsored by R.A. Butler (and is sometimes known as the ‘Butler Act’), the Conservative Education minister in the all-party coalition of the day. The principles and intentions of the Act were as follows: 54 Understanding British and European political issues 1 The ‘Board of Education’ (of which

in Understanding British and European political issues
Abstract only
Cesare Cuttica

pantheon of european political reflection. Aware of the ever present difficulty of dealing with thoughts and events far away in time, this book hopes to have enabled readers to better grasp what Filmer was all about. NOTes 1 In the words of Johann sommerville, ‘a strong sense of nationhood was a major theme in the literature of all three kingdoms which James and charles tried to rule’ (sommerville, ‘An emergent Britain?’, p. 461). 2 J. H. M. salmon, ‘France’, in H. A. Lloyd, G. Burgess and s. Hodson (eds), European Political Thought 1450–1700. Religion, Law and

in Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and the patriotic monarch
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

expanded. A comprehensive system of social security was established. There were a wide variety of benefits available to all according to need. These included ● ● ● ● ● ● 34 Understanding British and European political issues maternity benefits for pregnant women and nursing mothers, sickness benefits to compensate those who lost wages through illness, unemployment benefit, housing benefit for the very poor, family income support, again for the poor, child benefits for all families with children up to 16 years, free school lunches and uniform grants, old age

in Understanding British and European political issues
Abstract only
Paul Copeland

politics surrounding the political economy of European integration has long been viewed as featuring a clash of capitalisms for the normative governance of the European political economy. When national actors step into the European political arena they bring with them the ideological convictions from their respective national arenas (Hooghe and Marks, 1999: 76). Divisions within the EU integration process can be located within a two-dimensional space, the first dimension ranging from social democracy to market liberalism and the second from nationalism to

in EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension
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Katy Hayward

the Treaty of Nice in 2001. The difference this time, and a crucial one, was that the turnout was 53.1 per cent – higher than for either referendum on the Treaty of Nice. This disproved the theory (maintained by the pro-European political parties) that most Irish voters are ‘Yes’ voters by default and that they simply had to be encouraged out to vote; these parties actually had to compete (against a more effectual if typically disparate ‘No’ campaign) in persuading people how to vote. Yet criticisms made in the concluding chapter of this book regarding the conduct

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Niilo Kauppi

uniformity in terms of resources is both a strength and a weakness. Effectively orchestrated action - through the active connivance and spontaneous understanding among insiders - makes for advantages. Disadvantages, however, include a lack of diversity and flexibility; the cultivation of an ideology of elitism; and the quasi-impossibility of taking into account other points of view and democratising the power system. The ENA symbolises these features of the French political and bureaucratic elite. With it, the influence on European politics of specific educational and

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
The European Union and social democratic identity
Gerassimos Moschonas

and the national political capacity of parties, although reduced, is still important. By contrast, at the EU level the system of party government does not really exist and the European political capacity of parties (i.e. their ability to influence decisions within the EU) is not – or not yet – really proven. In fact, in the absence of a European parliamentarian or presidential system and, also, in the absence of partisan competition for executive office, Euro-parties exert neither the function of government (a central M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 171 3/8/09 12

in In search of social democracy
David Arter

Academic: Århus, pp. 207–21. Andersen, Jørgen Goul, Johannes Andersen, Ole Borre, Kasper Møller Hansen and Hans Jørgen Nielsen (eds) (2007) Det nye politiske landskab Folketingsvalget 2005 i perspectiv, Academic: Århus. Arter, David (1980) ‘The Finnish Christian League: party or “anti-party”?’, Scandinavian Political Studies, 3 (2), pp. 143–62. Arter, David (1983) ‘The 1983 Finnish election: protest or consensus?’, West European Politics, 6 (4), pp. 252–5. Arter, David (1989) ‘A tale of two Carlssons: the Swedish general election of 1988’, Parliamentary Affairs, 42 (1

in Scandinavian politics today
Niilo Kauppi

about what politicians believe they represent are an integral part of their power in the European Union (political mimesis). For many French politicians, Europe is a means of regaining lost power. In contrast, politicians in smaller member-states like Finland, dominated in the emerging European political field, adopt a more adaptive strategy toward European integration, seeking to find their place rather than attempting to mould the whole according to their own image. The requirements of the French Grand Strategy Everything also depends on Europe, that is, first of

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
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Governing Europe’s spaces: European Union re-imagined
Caitríona Carter
Richard Freeman
, and
Martin Lawn

interests which are the object of their politics. Our argument is that they are at the same time negotiating the identity and interest of Europe and the EU. Representations of Europe are material to the representation of sectoral interests in European politics, and vice versa (Carter and Smith, 2008). Re-conceptualising space and action This perspective draws us to classic microsociological concerns of action and interaction. Consistent with our ontology, we begin with action rather than with actors, not least to displace any realist conception of interest. For interests

in Governing Europe’s spaces