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ordered in October 1311 and exchequer receipts indicate that it was implemented straight away; the new custom on wool would not be collected again until the revocation of the majority of the Ordinances at the York parliament in 1322. 16 Use of the privy seal also declined, possibly revealing some apparent adherence to the principle that the king should not act only according to his own whim and judgement
revenue collection. Tindal’s primary source here is Thomas Madox’s 1711 work, The History and Antiquities of the Exchequer of the Kings of England. He not only extensively paraphrases and quotes from Madox, but he also ensures that his work copies its organisation, and adheres to its principal thesis that the history of revenue can be divided into two distinct periods: the first – from William’s accession to the Magna Carta – marking the Court of Exchequer’s period of ‘Ancient grandeur’; the second – from Magna Carta to Edward II’s death – showing its gradual demise
, Thomas, who predeceased his father.20 17 See chapters 3 and 6. See chapters 6, 7 and 8. 19 Thomas Tarver and his wife Bridget vs. Richard Thelwall, 1710 (The National Archives, Kew [hereafter T.N.A.], Records of Exchequer, E134/9Anne/TRIN10); Nathaniel Salmon, The history of Hertfordshire, describing the county, and its antient monuments, particularly the Roman . . . (London, 1728), p. 261. 20 [Ulster Historical Foundation] Clergy of Down and Dromore (Belfast, 1996), part 2, p. 21; Sir Stephen Leslie (ed.), Dictionary of national biography [hereafter OldDNB] (63 vols
. A generation later, in December 1912, the Liberals, Winston Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, and David Lloyd George, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with the consent of Sir Edward Grey, the Foreign Secretary, and the Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith, told the Prime Minister of Greece, Eleutherios Venizelos, that London wanted to cede Cyprus to Greece. Cyprus was of no value to the British except as a
when talking to Baron Alistair Darling about his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Darling, by his own account, wasn't supposed to be in charge when the great financial crisis hit: ‘I was there really as what Brown saw as a temporary thing.’ He wasn't an economist, just a ‘safe pair of hands’. He was keeping the seat warm for Gordon Brown's chosen successor Ed Balls. Then the banking system began to collapse. He was left managing potential financial Armageddon with all the control of a novice rider holding on to a bolting stallion. The
neo-liberal economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s resulted in fundamental changes in the UK economy. 2 Assess the view that Gordon Brown is a cautious rather than a radical Chancellor of the Exchequer. 3 How much consensus on economic policy now exists in the British political system?
Moore, ‘Jack Fisher’s flu: a virus still virulent’, Economic History Review 47 (1994), 359–61. 6 On finance see J. Alsop, ‘Nicholas Brigham (d. 1558): scholar, antiquary and crown servant’, Sixteenth Century Journal 12 (1981), 49–67 and Christopher Coleman, ‘Artifice or accident? The reorganization of the Exchequer of Receipt, c. 1554–1572’ in Coleman and David Starkey, eds, Revolution Reassessed: Revisions in the History of Tudor Government and Administration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), esp. pp. 176–7. 7 Anna Whitelock, ‘A woman in a man’s world: Mary I
continued bias against this, not quite rational sport, in the official mind of government, through Sir Stafford Cripps, a Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer who had pilloried greyhound racing in the early years of the Second World War and in the mind of some civil servants. Despite such hostility it is clear that greyhound racing did arouse some community support. Whilst some communities fought against it, driven on by 196 196 Going to the dogs religious moral zeal and local authority opposition, it is obvious that the attitude of the local urban communities was far
considered that the political capital which his ethos secured him permitted him to indulge in demotic colloquialisms to gain an emotional connection with the British electorate when as Foreign Secretary on returning from the Geneva Conference in 1954 he informed the country that, ‘there ain’t gonna be no war’ (Hughes, 1962: x). Macmillan’s ethos interacted with his persona in the ‘unflappable’ superiority which he projected. An episode which reveals this performance was his response to the resignations of his Chancellor of the Exchequer, Peter Thorneycroft, and two junior
: 406). This chapter therefore focuses upon Gordon Brown’s engagement with the conversation about England and Englishness. First, it seeks to demonstrate how Brown throughout his tenure as Chancellor of the Exchequer and, latterly, as Prime Minister, sought to advance a modernisation project for British renewal – the British Way – which negated the