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abandonment of the institutional Church and resignation to a non-interventionist God, the question of the level of forms of non-elite dissent from the Church in the early modern period cannot be irrelevant. It is surprising – with the partial exception of England – that such a question is so infrequently addressed in Enlightenment studies. Elite opinion is usually portrayed as developing without influence from the lower echelons and, in so far as elite ideas were passed down the social scale, without any intellectual reciprocity. Yet how many historians are prepared to
and other dissenting sects ‘with their rude challenge to all the institutional churches.’17 Note how, from the beginning, English usage tied enthusiasm to fanaticism. This link still taints the railway life-world. G. Freeman Allen described a 1953 commemorative trip north from King’s Cross behind two preserved Ivatt locomotives. ‘Our reception at Peterborough was the climax,’ he reported. ‘Frenzied shrieks from the engines suggested that some G.N. stalwarts were in danger of immolating themselves under the Atlantics’ wheels in uncontrolled enthusiasm.’18 In polite
itself.32 If it came from the Pope, did that validate its authenticity or render it useless? The answer depended not on the material paper but on religious conviction. Was St Peter’s 30 Transporting Chaucer successor the rock of the institutional church, or the embodiment of Antichrist? Even if one were not a reformist, only God could provide ultimate proof that the document was not a fake. It is not only in the pilgrim context of The Canterbury Tales that Chaucer raises these questions. In The House of Fame, having demonstrated that there is no ontological
formal charitable institutions, church congregations, political clubs, coffee and merchant houses nurtured the development among expatriate Scots of insider knowledge and strong webs of lobbying, social and financial credit. 50 The formal organisations were supplemented by the 1760s with a number of boarding houses run by Scots which specialised in taking Scottish lodgers. Charles Stuart, the son of the ninth earl of Blantyre, who journeyed to London to complete his training before joining the EIC, was among those benefiting from this informal web of social provision
purpose is to contaminate and to confuse. As Hypocrisie (which is what he is called at I.i.Arg.3) he must inevitably insinuate himself into the company of his opposite number. Although Una is unable to see through Archimago, his malevolence towards her is always evident to the reader, thanks to the ‘God’s-eye view’ that Spenser’s allegory at this point projects. Spenser thus exposes the mixed nature of the institutional Church, even while he is establishing the sharpest possible distinction between its two components – the truly redeemed and the hypocrites
, who was represented by some Reformers as the devil’s whore. The contextualizing evidence is surveyed by Hamilton (Faerie Qveene, ed. Hamilton et al.) in his commentary on I.vii.16–17. 19 Institvtion, trans. Norton, 3.24.9 (405). 20 While the preaching of the Word is (together with the administration of the sacraments) a token of the true institutional Church, Arthur’s identification with its preaching function is not inconsistent with his status as one of the redeemed, since it is to the Church that is properly performing these essential functions that the
expense of departments of religious history. Strype’s bias – picked up from the sources at his command – reinforced the tendency to explore institutional church history and the relationship between this institution and the state, to the detriment of other aspects of religious life and experience in Britain. Conclusion Despite the close association between histories of the Reformation and current Church and secular politics, they had a considerable impact upon developing traditions of historical scholarship. Both Burnet and Strype, especially, were dedicated researchers
, by the early thirteenth century the Scandinavian polities (perhaps with the exception of Iceland) were beginning to resemble those of the rest of northern Europe in terms of dynastic monarchies, an institutional Church and the increasing use of the written word in the exercise of government. 30 We can also think about governmentality in terms of the exercise of power and authority at a regional and local level. Whereas state formation was a process only really just beginning during the period covered by this volume, the structures of governance and
abstract space of capital, becomes more difficult. The colonisation of a country and its society happens within the distant spatial order, concerning the means of production, the State, institutions, churches, and representations of space themselves. Likewise, it also happens in the immediate spatial order concerning family, workforce, everyday life, and the reproduction of spaces
central to national life – Christian religion and the Church.2 It was asserted that British Christianity dated back to the apostolic age, while the earliest evidence for an institutional church was found in the second century AD, in the reign of the legendary British King Lucius, whose supposed correspondence with Pope Eleutherius had been employed since the Break with Rome to assert (or refute) the legitimacy of the Royal Supremacy.3 The Society’s disputants drew their conclusions about the antiquity of parliament and the Church from a mélange of classical and