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A historical survey
Andreas Osiander

power in whatever visible form, certainly if it is not clearly inspired by pure and indeed altruistic motives – sacro egoismo in reverse, as it were. After the founding of the Federal Republic in 1949, the West German leadership has been consistently keen to dispel any fear that it might not have learned its historical lesson and to prove itself a cooperative, fair-minded and well-meaning partner in its external dealings. Importantly, this attitude was backed, indeed expected, by much of the electorate. Under its first chancellor Konrad Adenauer (in office from

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
The external image of Germany’s foreign policy
Siegfried Schieder

Japan became ‘prototypes’ of ‘a new type of international power’ that – more by necessity than choice – had accepted to cooperate in the pursuit of international objectives. 38 Although the term ‘civilian power’ was first used to describe German foreign policy at the end of the Cold War in 1989, the FRG found itself on this path from its inception. Key foreign policy decision-makers of the new German Federal Republic – and particularly its first Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer – supported this re-orientation of German foreign policy. 39 In contrast to other role

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Abstract only
Peter J. Verovšek

-sided institutional framework that it brought into being – Assembly, Court, Ministerial Council, and High Authority – has continued in the form of the Parliament, Court, Council of Ministers, and Commission.’ 58 The chapter documents how crucial postwar leaders, particularly the first President of the European High Authority Jean Monnet, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman, and German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, built on their transnational collective memories to found the first European institutions. In so doing, it shows how their shared remembrance of the rupture of 1945 was

in Memory and the future of Europe
Kees van der Pijl

Party, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, called for protests (dubbed #Euromaidan) on his Twitter account. It was widely expected that the 2015 presidential election would be won, easily and without irregularities, by the opposition, probably with the boxer, Vitaly Klitschko, as its candidate. Washington, however, was not keen on this prospect, because Klitschko and members of his UDAR party had been groomed by the German CDU’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation. With people out in the street, Klitschko now joined the other opposition groups, including Svoboda under Tyagnybok (the only real

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Arthur B. Gunlicks

by the richer to the poorer Länder, which not even the Germans in the Economic Council in the Bizonia had approved at that time. They saw a system of grants-in-aid on the American model as a better solution that would not make the Länder so dependent on the federation for their taxes. The Land governments, on the other hand, took the opposite position that their autonomy would be threatened by a system of federal grants but protected by the proposal to require approval of finance legislation in the Bundesrat. While Konrad Adenauer and the CDU seemed willing to

in The Länder and German federalism
Inter-regionalism and the crisis of globalisation
José Antonio Sanahuja and Jorge Damián Rodríguez

Mercosur ”, Nueva Sociedad . . Freytag , A. , Draper , P. and Fricke , S. ( 2014 ). The Impact of the TTIP: Economic Effects on Transatlantic Partners, Third Countries and the Global Trade Order . Vol. 1 . Berlin : Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

by de Gaulle and the German Chancellor at the time, Konrad Adenauer. The insistence reflected the unwillingness of the French establishment to recognise not only that France could no longer claim to lead Germany, and hence Europe, via the European Union, but that now Germany was assuming the role of primus inter pares (first among equals). Paris could do little about Germany’s gradually assuming the leading role in the European Union and working in favour of a federal EU structure in which Germany’s larger population would give it a correspondingly strong role

in Destination Europe
Jérôme aan de Wiel

to Mr Victor Martinez-Garzón (NATO archivist) for this document]. 7 Ibid., record-MC-042-71, summary record of NATO’s Military Committee meeting, 24 September 1971. 8 Stuttgarter Zeitung, 3 February 1972, in Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Sankt Augustin (near Bonn), Pressedokumentation, file: ‘Staaten, Irland, 1951–31/07/1983’. 9 NATO Archive, C-R (72) 28, summary record of NATO Council meeting, 4 July 1972. 10 Ibid. 266 Intelligence 11 Ibid., record-MC-032-72, special record of NATO’s Military Committee, 28 July 1972. 12 Ibid., PO(72)392, ‘Temporary

in East German intelligence and Ireland, 1949–90
Helen Thompson

it faced, the West German state was unlikely to fail because of the absence among democrats of any will to, or understanding of, power.14 In the first elections of the Federal Republic, the Christian Democratic party (CDU) scraped a narrow victory. From the outset, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer was convinced that his government had to commit itself unequivocally to the United States. The pursuit of reunification had indeed to be a reason of state but it could only be securely realised, Adenauer believed, within the framework of the Atlantic alliance. Anybody who

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, explanations of significant political events, groupings and developments.

in The politics today companion to West European Politics