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renamed Unity and Struggle , a phrase taken from Cabral’s writings, in February 1974, and CAP began to publicly endorse Marxism that May. 22 Following this, Baraka travelled with the American delegation to the Sixth Pan-African Congress (‘Six Pac’) held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in June 1974. 23 This was the first Pan-African congress to be held in Africa itself, and Baraka held dialogue with Guyanese activist-historian Walter Rodney, Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere, President Sékou Touré of
colonised world participate in Pan-African congresses but also those from Western metropolises. The anti-colonial movement following the First World War was shaped equally by the relations of the colonised world to the Soviet Union and the Communist International and by connections between representatives of the colonised or Black world ( Chapter 1 ). 27 Similarly, Rabindranath Tagore’s World University at Santiniketan ( Chapter 2 ) is distinguished by its pan-Asian axis but also by the pursuit of a synthesis of Eastern
political dialogue that was far-reaching, a partnership that was global and people-centred (beyond institutions), and that treated Africa as a single entity. Pan- African in its membership and its comprehensive coverage of issues that were relevant to both regional partners, the attempts to involve all levels of society (and not just the supranational institutional actors on both sides) marked the concern to ensure ‘ownership’ of the strategy. In this regard, the strategy aimed at the socialisation of all actors in a very normatively 104 Actors and contexts framed
counterparts, as the subsequent public careers of Césaire, Senghor and Damas all demonstrate. 45 In this regard, the divide between the francophone commitment to the poetics of négritude and the espousal of an anglophone, Marxisant Pan-Africanism was no divide at all, notwithstanding the contending philosophical approaches in play. 46 In the person of Richard Wright these varied
built. By this time, about 2,000 green public areas with about 1,000 seedlings each had also been established, and more than 15,000 farmers had planted woodlots on their land. By 2004, over 30 million trees had been planted across Africa through the Green Belt Movement’s influence. 14 Through its modus operandi of simplicity and old-fashioned naturalism, the movement developed a Pan-African mandate which became widely adopted in several African countries, spreading to countries bordering Kenya by the late 1980s. In the process, farming techniques and traditional
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
years he gravitated to a firebrand variant of marxism, to Pan-Africanism, and to a much deeper understanding of what was required to break the power of colonial authority. In part, this shift in allegiance was abetted by his reacquaintance with his old childhood friend, George Padmore, who was instrumental in piecing together a new conception of anti-colonialism, in which the historical resources of
was a powerful crucible for political ideas. Apart from the furies unleashed by the First World War not only in Europe but across the European empires, the period witnessed the rise of a host of political movements – from Marxism to fascism, from feminism to nationalism, from Pan-Africanism to Garveyism – and political experiments – from labour unions to Tammany Hall, from the Russian Revolution to
as Wood had rejected the idea earlier. Demands for independence had also emerged in the 1920s and 1930s as part of an articulate Marxist critique of Imperialism and as an integral part of Garvey’s pan-African vision. Similarly, individuals such as C. L. R. James 33 and overseas organisations such as the League of Coloured Peoples in Britain, and those established in the
McKay and Langston Hughes with ships and sailors’ noting that the intensity of these connections ‘lends additional support’ to Peter Linebaugh’s prescient suggestion that ‘the ship remained perhaps the most important conduit of Pan-African communication before the appearance of the long playing record’. 37 In this respect both Gilroy’s Black Atlantic and Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker’s pioneering work of Atlantic working-class history ‘from below’ The Many Headed Hydra engage with and are animated by