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Ian Campbell

Scripture in the Protestant Atlantic World, 1600–2000 (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 3–7. 2 ሉ Renaissance humanism ሊ That the conceptualisation of race did indeed trouble the judges and lawyers charged with prosecuting genocide was evident in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide of 1994 in which at least 800,000 Tutsi and pro-peace Hutu were murdered by the majority Hutu population.4 The difficulty for the prosecutors lay in the fact that the hard racial distinction between Tutsi and Hutu was itself an ideology: a set of assumptions, ideals, and goals; less coherent than a

in Renaissance humanism and ethnicity before race
Lesley Pruitt
Erica Rose Jeffrey

, citizens can also use dance to resist political repression and build community in the midst of violence, as well as to challenge the State and create new political futures. 24 For example, consider the multiple ways in which dance is used to support the government agenda in Rwanda, 25 or how in Brazil the practice of capoeira has been used as a form of resistance to the neoliberal order. 26 While such research has not

in Dancing through the dissonance
Norman Geras

. 225. Eugène Aroneanu, Le Crime Contre l’Humanité, Dalloz, Paris 1961, pp. 20, 23, 235, 262; Sigrun I. Skogly, ‘Crimes Against Humanity – Revisited: Is There a Role for Economic and Social Rights?’, International Journal of Human Rights 5/1 (2001), 58–80, at pp. 74–5; Mark R. von Sternberg, ‘A Comparison of the Yugoslavian and Rwandan War Crimes Tribunals: Universal Jurisdiction and the “Elementary Dictates of Humanity”’, Brooklyn Journal of International Law 22 (1996), 111–56, at p. 142; Michael E. Tigar et al., ‘Paul Touvier and the Crime Against Humanity’, Texas

in Crimes against humanity
Abstract only

At a time when monolingualist claims for the importance of ‘speaking English’ to the national order continue louder than ever, even as language diversity is increasingly part of contemporary British life, literature becomes a space to consider the terms of linguistic belonging. Bad English examines writers including Tom Leonard, James Kelman, Suhayl Saadi, Raman Mundair, Daljit Nagra, Xiaolu Guo, Leila Aboulela, Brian Chikwava, and Caroline Bergvall, who engage multilingually, experimentally, playfully, and ambivalently with English’s power. Considering their invented vernaculars and mixed idioms, their dramatised scenes of languaging – languages learned or lost, acts of translation, scenes of speaking, the exposure and racialised visibility of accent – it argues for a growing field of contemporary literature in Britain pre-eminently concerned with language’s power dynamics, its aesthetic potentialities, and its prosthetic strangeness. Drawing on insights from applied linguistics and translation studies as well as literary scholarship, Bad English explores contemporary arguments about language in Britain – in debates about citizenship or education, in the media or on Twitter, in Home Office policy and asylum legislation – as well as the ways they are taken up in literature. It uncovers both an antagonistic and a productive interplay between language politics and literary form, tracing writers’ articulation of linguistic alienation and ambivalence, as well as the productivity and making-new of radical language practices. Doing so, it refutes the view that language difference and language politics are somehow irrelevant to contemporary Britain and instead argues for their constitutive centrality to the work of novelists and poets whose inside/outside relationship to English in its institutionalised forms is the generative force of their writing.

Hilary Charlesworth
Christine Chinkin

1993, and the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) established. 10 In 1994 events in Rwanda led the Security Council to take similar steps 11 to establish a second ad hoc tribunal ‘to prosecute persons for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law’ in that country, the International Criminal Tribunal for

in The boundaries of international law
David Curran

significant actor in a range of conflicts, not least on the African continent, with missions of varying size and function created in Angola, Western Sahara, Somalia, Mozambique, Liberia, Uganda and Rwanda between 1989 and 1993 (UN, 2013 ). We can split the UK’s approach to peacekeeping, during the period of 1989–2000, into two. For much of the 1990s there was a focus on European peacekeeping, yet towards the end of the decade there was a turn towards peacekeeping in Africa with engagement in Sierra Leone. A focus on Europe

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Ilias Bantekas

organisation and hostilities reach a certain degree of intensity. 17 The Yugoslav and Rwanda tribunals have refined the criminal nature of common Article 3 and Protocol II – Protocol II is only applicable before the ICTR – on the cumulative existence of a non-international armed conflict, a link between the accused and the armed forces, the civilian nature of the victims and a nexus between the crime and the armed

in Principles of direct and superior responsibility in international humanitarian law
An introduction
Sabine Lee

-related sexual violence (CRSV) has increasingly made the news headlines in recent years, the children conceived as a result of the atrocities have not found their way onto the front pages of the newspapers or the desks of the Whitehall civil servants or non-governmental organisation (NGO) advisors on humanitarian intervention. Since the 1990s – the time of the mass rapes of the Balkan Wars and the numerous African conflicts, epitomised by the Rwandan genocide with its previously unimaginable acts of sexualised violence – rape as a weapon of war has received the attention of

in Children born of war in the twentieth century
Abstract only
Making a success of the revolution
Tom Clark
Robert D. Putnam
, and
Edward Fieldhouse

type of small step that could help to break down ethnic boundaries by encouraging informal contact between different ethnic groups. Conversely, our findings raise questions about the wisdom of fostering institutions such as Christian or Muslim faith schools, which the British government has promoted in recent years, which might work to keep different ethnic groups apart. For politicians and other leaders the don’ts are just as important as the dos. Above all, there is a duty on them not to inflame potential tensions. From the former Yugoslavia to Rwanda, glib

in The age of Obama
Russell Southwood

subscribers. The starting point for most sub-Saharan Africans using internet content is very everyday. A male Rwandan focus group participant in 2017 recalled that it was his interest in the European Champions League as well as in communicating with friends. 69 But once they started, it became ‘a veritable tool for news, social interactions, education, business, online shopping, funds transfer, career building, among others’. 70 A female Ugandan research

in Africa 2.0