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Saudi and Iranian competition in the Horn of Africa
Robert Mason

policy drivers in the Horn are assessed elsewhere in this volume, it is important to note what the impact of the Saudi–UAE coupling and potential decoupling of policies in Yemen will be on Saudi external relations. Yemen faces similar challenges to Somalia, across the Red Sea. Both states suffer from poverty, disease, insurgency and terrorism and can act as a base and conduit for terror groups to use, similar to the Taliban in Afghanistan in the 1990s. The attack on the US compound in Sanaa on 17 September 2008 killed ten

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Raymond Hinnebusch

the PLO thus achieved international legitimacy could it afford to recognise Israel and in November 1988 it accepted UN Resolution 242, contingent on acquisition of a Palestinian state in the occupied territories. The consequent US decision to start a dialogue with the PLO after it renounced terrorism, presented a new opportunity but was taken by the Israeli elite to be a threat against which the Labour and Likud parties joined in a ‘wall-to-wall coalition’ government. However, the two main Israeli parties were drawing apart. The Likud

in The international politics of the Middle East
Construction of the African Union’s peace and security structures
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli

the one hand, by Afro-optimism and by a conviction that Britain, as a pivotal power, could make a difference in Africa. It was also, however, characterised by a desire to build the capacity of African states and institutions to help them (and, by extension, the UK) ward off the risks to international stability associated with issues such as ethnic and religious conflict, population and environmental pressures, competition for resources, terrorism and transnational crime (Dodd and Oakes, 1998 ). It thus ‘anticipated continuing and perhaps growing calls for

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Debating Kosovo
Naomi Head

violence and acts of terrorism’. 51 It is not then, the use of force per se which is being condemned here, but rather the use of force by those party to the conflict. In a solidarist vein, it does not rule out the possibility of a legitimate use of force by a third party in order to protect or defend particular responsibilities, rights or values. By condemning

in Justifying violence
Samantha Newbery

security situation. 22 The People’s Socialist Party (PSP) had also become a cause for concern, as intelligence indicated that they were preparing to use terrorism and sabotage in their quest to overthrow the government of Aden. 23 This culminated in the declaration of a State of Emergency throughout the Federation on 10 December 1963. 24 In the following few days, twenty-nine PSP

in Interrogation, intelligence and security
Through the Gulf and into the Horn of Africa
Marwa Maziad

.683989 . 2 Y. Ayoub, ‘New Ways for International Legal Action against Qatar's support for Terrorism, Youm7.com , 19 August 2017, www.youm7.com/story/2017/8/19/طرق-جديدة-لملاحقة-قطر-دولياً-على-دعمها-للإرهاب/3375263 ; CNN, Interview with Michael Steinbach by Pamela Brown and Wesley Bruer, ‘FBI official: ISIS is recruiting U.S. Teens’, CNN Online, 2015, www.cnn.com/2015/02/03/politics/fbi-isis-counterterrorism-michael-steinbach/ (accessed 15 May 2018); K. Delli, ‘Wrong Bets: How is Turkey Dealing with the Regional Crises

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Abstract only
Samantha Newbery

developed and used by the British military after 1945 in the frequently overlapping contexts of counter-insurgency, counter-terrorism and internal security operations. They are known as the ‘five techniques’ and consist of forcing a prisoner to maintain a physical position that causes stress on the body, thus becoming uncomfortable (a ‘stress position’); of restricting sight by putting a hood over

in Interrogation, intelligence and security
Abstract only
Excerpts from post-war US investigations
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

in imaginative, successful (and highly classified) operations in many parts of the world. Tactical support to counter terrorism efforts is excellent, and there are signs of a boldness that would have been unimaginable before September 11, 2001. But neither was Iraq a “perfect storm.” The flaws we found in the Intelligence Community’s Iraq performance are still all too common. Across the board, the

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Abstract only
Excerpts from key UK speeches and documents before the war in Iraq
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

forcussed [ sic ] on Saddam’s capacity to develop weapons of mass destruction. The WMD danger was of course crucial to the public case against Saddam, particularly the potential linkage to terrorism. But Wolfowitz thought it indispensable to spell out in detail Saddam’s barbarism. This was well documented from what he had done during the occupation of Kuwait, the incursion into Kurdish territory, the

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Abstract only
UK Africa policy in the twenty-first century: business as usual?
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher, and Stephen R. Hurt

Soviet Union (Brown, 2004 ; 2007 ). This support was offered, alongside that of the US and other Western states, regardless of the democratic credentials of the regime in question and became a key element of regime maintenance strategies of leaders such as Hastings Kamuzu Banda of Malawi and Daniel arap Moi of Kenya. The post-9/11 Global War on Terror has led to similar dynamics, albeit with the threat of communism exchanged for that of Islamic terrorism (Abrahamsen, 2005 ). Counter-terrorism imperatives, it is argued, have dominated UK Africa policy under Blair

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century