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Abstract only
Clara Eroukhmanoff

security, as well as the emotions and affect imparted when covert racism like the indirect securitisation of minority groups circulates. It is perhaps surprising to argue that Islam has been securitised somewhat indirectly when someone like Donald Trump is President of the United States and when the expression ‘Islamic terrorism’, rejected by Barack Obama but reintroduced by Donald Trump, associates Islam and terrorism as if there was a natural connection between the two, or to put it differently, when Islam has become synonymous with violence in

in The securitisation of Islam
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

the London Metropolitan Police's ‘If you suspect it, report it’ campaign and the claim vis-à-vis counter-terrorism that ‘public vigilance, good sense and co-operation are just as important and essential components [as law enforcement and intelligence] of the UK's response’ (Jarvis and Lister, 2010 : 182). Elite perceptions of and responses to security threats such as the NSS

in Everyday security threats
Abstract only
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

citizens alike in contemporary political life. Since the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on 11 September 2001, ‘old’ political issues like health and education have been joined by ‘new’ issues framed as security threats such as crime, terrorism, and immigration (Clarke et al., 2009 ). While liberal democracies attempt to balance civil liberties and security in this new landscape, existing

in Everyday security threats
Tim Aistrope

their unsatisfactory circumstances in far-fetched delusions of hidden power. Here conspiracy theory was considered endemic in Arab-Muslim culture such that it informed Arab-Muslim interpretations of America’s regional engagement. However abhorrent terrorism might be, both these narratives disqualified the political grievances motivating resentment towards America. They made

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
Imogen Richards

communicative and organisational practices, AQ and IS reinforce the dominance of neoliberal political-economic systems, both logistically, with regard to finance, and ideologically, by legitimising their comparatively ‘rational’ opponents’ political position. As Gray (2003) , Barber (1995) , and Ali (2003) elaborated, these counter/terrorism dialectics in part result from shared philosophical histories between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ ‘terrorists’ and ‘counterterrorists’, including their Enlightenment origins and ‘reason’-oriented thinking, as well as their inherent use

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Stephen Benedict Dyson

would conduct foreign policy on the front foot, preferring pre-emption to reaction. Third, the president’s long-term strategy was to advance democracy, especially in the Middle East, as a means to remove the preconditions for terrorism. These principles fit the president’s temperament. Bush was inclined toward proactive policies, and clear-cut delineations of good and evil. Other individuals who could

in Leaders in conflict
Michael Mulqueen

). Since then, the agencies have kept government continuously informed of the level of transnational terrorism threat to Ireland (Brady 2002 , 2004a, 2005a, 2005b; Reid 2005b ). Some changes to national security policy have occurred in response, although there has been no fundamental departure from the positions adopted in the three weeks after 9/11. What follows is an examination of Ireland’s policy

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

. 9 The state’s coercive crackdown on suspected terrorism and separatism indicates that it is prepared to deploy minority resistance as the enemy of the national unification of the greater ‘Chinese people’ ( Zhonghua minzu ) and ‘China’s national rejuvenation’. The distressing conclusion is that the PRC state is still not secure enough to move beyond the use of violence in the name of national

in Violence and the state
Josefina A. Echavarria

)national dimension of what was then conceived of as terrorism. In Colombia, the terrorist threat was not ‘new’. But this time it had a different connotation. During the 1980s, which were inscribed within an American transnational war on drugs , terrorism was at its highest levels, marked by multiple and systematic terrorist attacks throughout the national territory. The years 1982–1993, from Pablo Escobar’s rise

in In/security in Colombia
Abstract only
Imogen Richards

). As Jeff Ferrell noted ( 2019 ), resistance by its very nature has the potential to become subsumed within existing orders, while its exponents can sometimes lack progressive or reformist ideations. As cultural criminologists have observed ( Hayward and Schuilenburg 2014 ), resistance-to-power has also sometimes been symptomatic rather than fundamental, distracting from the broader, structural issues at play. From an epistemological perspective, wherein ‘terrorism’ constitutes a form of resistance, albeit one often characterised by the abuse of power, I

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism