Search results

You are looking at 81 - 90 of 130 items for :

  • "anti-globalisation" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Imogen Richards

10 per cent of global GDP resides in tax havens (cited in Piketty 2014 , 592). While there is some irony to AQ and IS’s condemnation of situations such as this, given their own exploitation of tax havens, elaborated in Chapter 6, spokespersons for the organisations more broadly cite the social injustices of extreme wealth disparity in pejorative references to ‘elites’ (see, for example, Naji 2006 ). Indicating the field of anti-(neoliberal) capitalism that neo-jihadist propaganda operates within, broader anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist resistance

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

and economic context of their publication. The content of AQ and IS media, including text, audiovisual imagery, and sound, was captured using the qualitative-research program NVivo. Results were coded for the key theme of ‘anti-capitalism’ and the subthemes ‘anti-US’, ‘anti-neo-colonial’, ‘anti-globalisation’, and ‘anti-neoliberal’. The results were then recoded using an axial approach for the cross-sectional criteria of ‘cultural and social capital’, ‘symbolism and symbolic capital’, ‘anti-capitalist doxa’, ‘habitus’, and ‘field’. A third classificatory dimension

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Niilo Kauppi

political agendas well after the elections. By widening the basis of civic activism, I will show that the European Parliament elections link intellectual politics to democratic politics through the examples of intellectuals such as Bernard-Henri Lévy in 1994 and Pierre Bourdieu in 1999. While the elections gave a voice to those who do not have one, they also reasserted the role of intellectuals in French public debate. With neoliberalism and anti-globalisation, ideology has become an important weapon in European politics. Integration triggers locally embedded actions

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Screening war in Kosovo and Chechnya
Cerwyn Moore

investing it with new and old constituent parts.37 One implication of this process was the ability of actors to relay information and (re)present war in different locations, locally and globally, but another is that other actors operate in different political spaces with warlords being at one end of a large spectrum of actors with, for instance, human rights organisations at the other. How then, do postcolonial campaigns combine with anti-globalisation movements, and how does this shape a new international security ecology? The interface between these actors, their

in Contemporary violence
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial women writers in a transnational frame
Elleke Boehmer

; as in Vera, too, this redemptive quality is subtly interleaved with the restorative charge of a sentimental nationalism. Roy’s sense that local needs are pressed by national and international demands, that small turmoils lock into larger ones, is more starkly articulated in her anti-globalisation polemical writing, collected as The Algebra of Infinite Justice (2002), which reflects back on the role played by national history in her novel.36 Exposing the contradictory destructions inflicted by multinational corporations, and the postcolonial nation’s co-operation with

in Stories of women
Par Kumaraswami, Antoni Kapcia, and Meesha Nehru

to increase their programmes, using the cultural emphasis during the Feria. Equally, the 2010 event was immediately followed by a high-profile conference on anti-colonial thought and access to the book, in the AHS centre of the Pabellón Cuba, part of the general anti-globalisation campaign in Latin America of which Cuba was an enthusiastic participant. One interesting outcome of all this came in 2008 when international recognition of the Feria was accorded by the nomination of Havana as UNESCO World Book Capital for 2011, a title created in 1996 by UNESCO, as part

in Literary culture in Cuba
David Alderson

traditional left [including Halliday’s ‘hard-headed’ socialists] placed so much emphasis upon) have to be seen in a dialectical relation with the struggles against accumulation by dispossession that the social movements coalescing within the anti- and alternative globalization movements [Halliday’s ‘motley agglomeration’] are primarily focusing upon.28 Harvey’s dialectical grasp here refuses simply to privilege one tradition over the other, and retains a commitment to evaluating the social and political aims of anti-globalisation movements in relation to the continuing need

in End of empire and the English novel since 1945
Andreas Antoniades

around the world. Two milestones define this period: the creation of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995 and the anti-globalisation protests in Seattle, during the ‘Millennium Round’, in winter 1999. This general context was then combined with domestic, country-specific (historical) junctures and events. The purpose was to explore how the globalisation discourse was implicated in the discourses and strategies of domestic forces that attempted to redefine the public discourses of their countries. I expand on this issue in the chapters that focus on Greece and

in Producing globalisation
David Hesse

commemoration seems to stem from a wish to defend European culture. The invocation of tradition and distinctiveness must be understood as a protection strategy. Right-­wing parties stress the importance of heritage and tradition when warning about the alleged marginalisation of the European people through non-­European immigration or a totalitarian EU bureaucracy. Anti-­globalisation activists, on the other hand, invoke local identities to counter global capitalism and consumerism. The Scottish dreamscape – with its narrative of heroic defence – may come in useful in this

in Warrior dreams
Rich Cross

perspectives of Class War unravelled. New forms of mobilisation which came to the fore after the anti-globalisation protests in Seattle in 1999 (such as Reclaim the Streets, anti-roads protests, Earth First! and more recently the world-wide Occupy! initiative) have evoked more echoes of the activist-centred anarchist punk practice than the orthodox class perspectives of 1970s. These new radical libertarian initiatives and forms of organisations have posed new answers to the questions of agency, strategy and to the challenges of combining political autonomy with the ability

in Against the grain