but lack any mandate to ensure their adoption across organisational boundaries.
Institutional donors do not and should not have the authority to command implementing
organisations to adopt specific innovations, since they themselves lack any mechanism to
decide which innovations should be adopted; and the capacity of implementing
organisations to innovate will continue to be limited by the fact that they have no
metric to determine the allocation of resources to those innovations
remanent health infrastructure and equipment and the humanitarian health resources – adopted a new bottom-up approach to build a hybrid and kinetic health system that is currently functioning as an autonomous local health authority in the region. For example, Idleb Health Directorate was able to maintain its role as the main health authority in Idleb governorate without being affiliated with the Interim Syrian government that operate from Turkey, nor with the Salvation Government that is affiliated with Hayat Tahrir Al Sham. The military actors have been avoiding major
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
Data are frequently missing from analyses – in particular
nutrition/mortality data, population data and displacement data.
Mortality information is the most politically charged kind,
and very frequently not available because authorities do not permit its
collection, especially in conflict-driven crises, such as Yemen, South Sudan
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
the NGO for which he worked had a policy against the use of military escorts. Yet, in a context where, due to the insecure nature of the field environment, the use of military escorts was ‘the only way authorities would accept movement’, they reached a creative solution by which the NGO travelled behind the armed convoy, ten minutes later. Another interviewee described similar dynamics at play during a hostage situation. The NGO he worked for had a policy precluding payment to secure hostages’ release, but in practice during hostage negotiations, the organisation
the racialised ‘other’ of the ‘local’
The ratcheting securitisation of aid has brought with it exclusionary security
practices that serve to entrench boundaries between humanitarians and the local
populations they purport to serve ( Autesserre,
2014 ). Chisholm (2016) notes
how whiteness is intimately intertwined with claims to authority in privatised
security, which reinforces the colonial model of aid, with
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
authorities hired Markpress in spring 1968, and only after Markpress
invited foreign journalists to tour the region in April 1968, that the narrative of
the crisis was transformed into what we have already discussed.
Having said that, I think it is important not to lose sight of how this
universalising narrative was interpreted differently in different national contexts.
One of the key lessons that Biafra holds for contemporary humanitarian campaigning
lies in understanding why and
provincial authorities in exchange for political posts or posts within the military
apparatus’. While such wording is longer and no doubt more tedious, it would
at least not lull our readers with magical thinking about ‘peace’
The fact that journalists draw liberally from the diplomatic well when it comes to
war contexts was confirmed by a Le Monde veteran who had done some
reporting in Goma in 1996, whom I interviewed for a study ( Brabant, 2011 ). As he explained
al-Bashir, had overseen the killing of 400,000 citizens
in Darfur – double the 200,000 deaths estimated by other experts ( de Waal, 2007 ). The adverts were ultimately ruled misleading by the British
Advertising Standards Authority; this was an embarrassing outcome that played directly into the
hands of the Sudanese government and its allegations that Western groups were exaggerating the
scale of the conflict ( Mamdani, 2007 ).
In addition to their own campaign content, NGOs consistently and actively seek to influence
journalists and their
), Negotiations: 1972–1990 ( New York : Columbia University Press ).
Derrida , J. ( 1992 ), ‘ Force of Law: The “Mystical Foundation of Authority” ’, in Cornell , D. , Rosenfeld , M. and Carlson , D. G. (eds), Deconstruction and the Possibility of Justice ( New York : Routledge ).
Duffield , M. ( 2001 ), Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security ( London : Zed Books ).
Duffield , M. ( 2005 ), ‘ Getting Savages to Fight Barbarians: Development, Security and the Colonial Present ’, Conflict, Security
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
problems. There are a great many political sensitivities and widespread opposition
to camps, and local authorities may balk at any form of building that suggests
permanent settlement ( McConnachie, 2016 ;
Turner, 2016 ; UNHCR, 2014 ; van der
Borght and Philips, 1995 ). If we look at the response to the civil war in
Syria, for example, only a minority of refugees ended up living in purpose-built
accommodation or large planned encampments due to such sensitivities