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Politics: real, pursued, and promised
Adrian O’Connor

of guidance from Paris, local officials, members of political clubs, instructors and administrators in the schools, and private citizens continued to work towards a system of public instruction that they hoped might help to realize and sustain a new political order. Such efforts were, of course, uneven, and attention to them does not dilute the illiberalism of the year II or the violence of the Terror. But it does remind us that the Revolution was not one thing, playing out on one historical track. This, too, reminds us that the attempts to reform education took

in In pursuit of politics
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Julian Reid

interests of humanity. Nor has it failed because its core principles are open to abuse as ideology by essentially illiberal political actors. Each of these lines of argument has been made and substantially explored in critiques of the necessary failures of liberalism as creed and political project in areas of International Relations to date. Instead, and as this book has sought to argue, the liberal desire to save human life from its subjection to the condition of war has failed foremost because it is itself a polemological and ultimately terrorising project which can

in The biopolitics of the war on terror
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State power as reality
Stephen Noakes

items are discussed, how, and by whom. This in turn raises difficult questions of representation and ethics, and even some unease at the prospect of having to once again recognize the values, input, and authority of a non-​Western, illiberal superpower. Changes often stir discomfort, but China’s pull on the principled substance of activist networks is troubling precisely because it is the inverse of what was supposed to happen. The dominant line of reasoning contends that TANs become effective politically when national interests are altered via the transnational

in The advocacy trap
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Global security architectures and civil society since 9/ 11
Scott N. Romaniuk and Emeka Thaddues Njoku

longevity. This raises the question about the role of norms and state patterns, practices, and behavior in the context of CTMs and CSOs and civil society more broadly. It is clear that governments and leaders around the world have taken stock of the potentially valuable, though illiberal, usage of CTMs for political purposes. The WoT and WoT mentality has facilitated these practices and processes by exposing

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
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Counter-terrorism as insecurity
Emeka Thaddues Njoku and Scott N. Romaniuk

, CTMs became an instrument for illiberal political leaders to repress political opponents or human rights activists or groups critical to state policies. For instance, Aries A. Arugay explains how the Philippines prides itself on having vibrant CSOs, following its political trajectory characterized by intense political contestations and the defeat of dictatorship. However, the post-9/11 counter

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
The case of post-communist Russia
Matthew Sussex

or economic dynamism to peacefully manage what may be a whole host of different cleavages within a given polity. And whether one defines democracy in specific Dahlian terms as polyarchy, 5 or more loosely to accommodate liberal, electoral or illiberal democracies, 6 it is still difficult for the researcher to identify exactly when democracy’s supposedly peace-promoting characteristics start taking effect. To do so one must

in Violence and the state
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John Anderson

returned to look at the impact of a revitalised Protestantism as represented by the predominantly evangelical Christian Right in the USA and the rapidly expanding global Pentecostal movement. In both cases we pointed to ambiguities, as religious leaders sometimes promoted illiberal policy agendas, yet the very fact of participating in politics often forced them to engage in the sort of bargaining and compromise that are an essential feature of democracy. Simultaneously, their followers often gained considerable experience in negotiating, organising and leading, all

in Christianity and democratisation
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Paul Jackson

catch-all term that spans all forms of, ‘far’, or non-mainstream, right wing activity that sees society as inevitably hierarchical, from those with some illiberal views but who engage with democratic processes, to those who see violence as the answer and carry out acts of terrorism. Using a framework set out by Cas Mudde, it is helpful to see the far right as comprised of two phenomena: the ‘radical

in Pride in prejudice
From the Bennington Lectures to our presentage of transformation
Kari Polanyi Levitt

, unregulated markets have aggravated ecological damage resulting in a deteriorating environment and runaway climate change while restricting public revenues required to fulfil climate commitments. Financialization has corrupted the political process of representative government resulting in a loss of legitimacy of the democratic system. The Neoliberal Utopia has created the Illiberal Democracies. Our present age of transformation Some five years after Polanyi delivered the Bennington Lectures in the peaceful surroundings of Vermont, Europe had undergone a geopolitical

in Karl Polanyi and twenty-first-century capitalism
Michael Freeden

themes. As the mouthpiece of the group, Dodds borrowed – somewhat selectively – William Beveridge’s phrase in summing up their position: ‘our aim is a “Welfare Society” rather than a “Welfare State”.’ Private endeavour and voluntary mutual aid were called on ‘to diminish the role of the State’ (Dodds, 1957: 18–19). That diminution was required because ‘a State monopoly in Welfare has certain illiberal consequences’. Employing Belloc’s term, a ‘distributism’ based on localism, spontaneous organisation, and the spread of private property was proposed instead (Jackson

in Making social democrats