Search results

You are looking at 81 - 90 of 140 items for :

  • "international intervention" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Navigating between trouble and promise
Gustaaf Geeraerts

protect’, indicating that China is willing to accept that certain crimes committed at home are not immune to international intervention, which implies a loosening of its rigid view of state sovereignty. China has also supported a number of United Nations Security Council resolutions under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, which include coercive measures such as sanctions and military interventions” (Chen, 2016: 789). What is more, ever since his speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Xi Jinping increasingly figures as the new advocate for economic openness and

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Cultures of governance and conflict resolution in the EU and India
J. Peter Burgess, Oliver P. Richmond, and Ranabir Samaddar

peace accords have a tendency to emphasise security rather than welfare. This is because international interventions are usually led by leading actors from the global north who are guided by neo-liberal agenda, and who usually underplay social aspects of the state and emphasise its security aspect. This is one of the reasons why priority is given to security over social justice when sequencing of activities in the intervention. The 14 Cultures of governance and peace authors give an example of reforms in Georgia which led to drastic undermining of the state in

in Cultures of governance and peace
Mørten Bøås, Bård Drange, Dlawer Ala'Aldeen, Abdoul Wahab Cissé, and Qayoom Suroush

. However, the French success in generating sufficient support for international interventions in the country, also suggests the international community’s interests were substantial, seeking to manage a conflict that security experts already in 2013 feared could spill over to neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger (see Bøås et al ., 2020 ). It was indeed the UN Security Council resolution that laid the basis for the French and UN

in The EU and crisis response
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India
Niels Brimnes

articulate opposition represents the exception and has largely been an elite phenomenon, it points to a least two important tensions in modern Indian society: between universal science and cultural distinctiveness and between international intervention and national integrity. The four cases analysed each provide a distinctive illustration of how immunisation and the opposition to it was culturally constructed and

in The politics of vaccination
Screening war in Kosovo and Chechnya
Cerwyn Moore

a tight control of the media, which NATO forces tried to ‘degrade’ in the war in 1999, the KLA also adopted a distinctive information campaign (using news bulletins, hosting a website) as part of its broader strategic goals; the KLA’s aim was to trigger international intervention by the international community.57 Alastair Campbell, the chief British political spin-doctor, recognised that the Kosovan campaign presented a qualitatively different form of war. Campbell indicates, ‘in this changed media environment, in a modern conflict, particularly one fought by an

in Contemporary violence
Abstract only
Cerwyn Moore

in the history of the region, which some claimed, was involved in support of the KLA.47 Secondly, the events in Albania also led to international intervention named ‘Operation Alba’. The operation was organised by Italy, endorsed by a limited UN mandate, designed to secure the environment and protect civilians, and where possible to enable organisations like the OSCE and the Council of Europe to provide humanitarian assistance. The key aim was maintaining stability in Albania, given the stream of human migrants travelling westwards, and the turmoil caused by

in Contemporary violence
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

. Bose, Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention (London, Hurst and Co., 2002 ), pp. 149–203. 67 See K. Done, ‘Bombing of Serb cathedral condemned’, Financial Times (2 August 1999 ); P. Smucker, ‘NATO and UN clash as KLA terror campaign goes on’, Daily Telegraph (24 June 1999) and R. Wright, ‘Fear

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Just war and against tyranny
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

. 107 S. D. Krasner, ‘Sovereignty and Intervention’, in G. M. Lyons and M. Mastanduno (eds), Beyond Westphalia? State Sovereignty and International Intervention (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 235–6. 108 Croxton, ‘The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty’, 569–91; S. Beaulac, ‘The Westphalian Legal Orthodoxy – Myth or Reality

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Abstract only
Kathryn Nash

indicate began to happen before the end of the Cold War as well as before the emergence of international intervention norms. The indications of shifting regional norms before the end of the Cold War include the lack of robust condemnation for the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda in 1979, which eventually led to the overthrow of Idi Amin, the Nigerian engagement to end conflict in Chad from 1979–1982 leading to Africa’s first multi-lateral peacekeeping mission, the proposal for an OAU Peace and Security Council in the early 1980s, and the Economic Community of West African

in African peace
Abstract only
Kathryn Nash

to reframe African capacity to address conflicts that predates the end of the Cold War and international intervention efforts in the 1990s. This failed reform attempt indicates that the ideas upon which the OAU was built, strict non-intervention and protection of state sovereignty and territoriality, were being challenged and discredited. It also represents efforts to better respond to conflict on the continent following the conflicts and atrocities of the 1970s. However, there was not a new set of ideas that could act as a blueprint to underpin lasting and

in African peace